“The Motherland Is a Distant Dream”

2019 ◽  
pp. 211-218
Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Chinese Descent ◽  
Policy Objectives

This concluding chapter describes how the ebb and flow of diplomatic relations affected the lives of ordinary overseas Chinese in three ways. Overall, the Chinese, loathed for their perceived dominance in commerce, became easy targets for violence during times of political instability and economic downturn. First, discord in bilateral relations usually amplified antagonism toward the ethnic Chinese. Second, anti-Chinese riots persisted even when bilateral relations were cordial. Third, diplomatic frictions implicated both Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent and Chinese nationals living in Indonesia. Notwithstanding the changing status of diplomatic relations, there had always been pribumi groups that accused all ethnic Chinese of being pawns of a foreign power irrespective of their citizenship status and ideological inclination. Stemming from long-standing social, economic, and political circumstances in Indonesia, this prejudice was also influenced by the way the Chinese Nationalist and Communist governments conducted diplomacy in Indonesia. Both governments instrumentalized the overseas Chinese to advance their respective foreign policy objectives.

Mongolian-Russian diplomatic relations: history and prospects

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amarjargal Dashnyam ◽  
Bulgantsetseg Gunchinsharav
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Further Development

The article deals with the history and prospects of the development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia. It is noted that diplomatic relations between the two states have a long history. The author identifies three main stages in the development of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The first stage was the Soviet one (until 1991). It was during this period that the foundations of cooperation between the two states were laid. At the same time, diplomatic relations were supported by broad cooperation in the economic and military-political spheres. Mongolia and Russia have been acting as allies for a long time. At the same time, the USSR acted as a guarantor of Mongolia's independence. The second stage (1991–2000) is characterized by the cooling of bilateral relations, which was due to the processes that took place in the USSR. The third stage (2000 and up to the present) is characterized by the intensification of diplomatic contacts. This is reflected in the frequency of official visits of the heads of state of Mongolia and Russia, as well as heads of diplomatic departments of Mongolia and Russia. The period of the 2000s. it is characterized by the presence of permanent diplomatic contacts between Mongolia and Russia. Their results are expressed in a number of declarations and agreements on cooperation between countries in various fields. Cross-border cooperation is also actively developing. The author notes that the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia are dictated by the goals of the foreign policy of both countries. The author notes that Mongolia is characterized by the desire to build equally equal relations with all states. Russia, on the contrary, seeks to build cooperation by attracting new member states to interstate associations of various directions. In particular, Russian diplomacy is making efforts to attract Mongolia to participate in the processes taking place within the framework of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the further development of cooperation is considered by the Russian side from the point of view of deepening the processes of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the Mongolian side, in accordance with the provisions of its foreign policy concept, does not seek to join any political associations. The author concludes that considering the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the differences in approaches to the implementation of foreign policy between the two countries.

scholarly journals Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Anzar Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Social Culture ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
History Of ◽  
Growing Environment

Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

India and Nepal

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 543-579
Author(s):  
L.S. Baral
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South Asian ◽  
Deep Understanding ◽  
Common Interest ◽  
Asian Region ◽  
The Past ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
South Asian Region

A feeling of unprecedented relaxation and deep understanding seems to prevail among the people in the South Asian region in matters of inter-state relationships. This has opened up prospects for a reduction of irritants in mutual relationships among the countries concerned in this region. While following their own foreign-policy objectives the leaders of the various countries are visibly anxious to make efforts, as neighbours should, to improve bilateral relations by dispelling the mist of tension created by misunderstanding, misconception, and mistrust regarding one another in the past. This in its turn has strengthened the hope that the hostility manifested by the leaders of the various countries in dealing with one another in the past would be replaced by a cool and sober stock-taking of the changing national or international situation and that there would be cordiality not only in the conduct of bilateral relations on a reasonable and perfectly reciprocal basis but also in the implementation of joint or multilateral co-operative enterprises in areas of common interest for the all-round development of the region. The policy followed by the Janata Government in India, particularly in regard to its immediate neighbours, since its assumption of power in 1977 is a promising start in that direction.

scholarly journals Indonesia-North Korea Diplomatic Relations: Effort to Pursue National Interest and Create Regional Peace [Hubungan Diplomatik Indonesia – Korea Utara: Upaya Mewujudkan Kepentingan Nasional dan Menciptakan Perdamaian Regional]

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Winning Coalition ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Weapon Development

This article aims to analyze the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea over its approximately fifty-nine years of bilateral relations, since 17 June 1961. The arguments posited in this regard is that the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea has been counterproductive. Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia actually has great potential to influence North Korea’s conducts through the close diplomatic relations that the two countries have developed. The friendship between Indonesia and North Korea began since the two states conducted reciprocal official visits 1964 and 1965. Indonesia’s foreign policy towards South Korea has often been carried out to influence the offensive decisions of North Korean leaders, especially in relation to the issue of nuclear weapon development. The key question is what should and can Indonesia do next to help create peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula by adhering to the principles of a free and active foreign policy? Why is it necessary for Indonesia to do this and how can Indonesia carry out this foreign policy towards North Korea? After becoming President since 2011, Kim Jong-un had to weaken his father’s winning coalition to consolidate domestic political stability. However, North Korea’s domestic market reforms have had the effect of eroding the Kim family’s ideological appeal. This is relevant to the expansion of political influence from Pyongyang, which prioritizes the continuation of a fragile centralized authoritarian power while maintaining sustainable domestic economic growth.AbstrakArtikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan secara analitis bagaimana implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara selama 59 tahun sejak 17 Juni 1961. Argumen yang ingin disampaikan tentang implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara adalah kontraproduktif. Indonesia di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo berpotensi besar untuk mampu memengaruhi perilaku Korea Utara melalui hubungan diplomatik. Persahabatan Indonesia dan Korea Utara dimulai sejak saling kunjung di 1964 dan 1965. Orientasi politik luar negeri Indonesia di masa lalu hingga saat ini, telah sering dilakukan untuk memengaruhi keputusan ofensif para pemimpin Korea Utara, khususnya terkait dengan isu pengembangan senjata nuklir. Pertanyaannya adalah apa yang harus dan sebaiknya dilakukan Indonesia selanjutnya untuk membantu menciptakan perdamaian dan stabilitas di Semenanjung Korea dengan tetap berpegang pada prinsip politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif? Mengapa hal tersebut perlu dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan bagaimana cara menjalankan kebijakan luar negeri terhadap Korea Utara tersebut? Kim Jong-un, setelah menjadi Presiden sejak 2011, harus melemahkan posisi koalisi pemenang ayahnya untuk konsolidasi stabilitas politik dalam negeri. Bagaimanapun, reformasi pasar domestik Korea Utara telah berdampak pada pengikisan daya tarik ideologis keluarga Kim. Hal ini relevan dengan perluasan pengaruh politik dari Pyongyang memprioritaskan pada keberlangsungan kekuatan otoriter terpusat yang rentan seiring bagaimana dapat mempertahankan pertumbuhan ekonomi dalam negeri berkelanjutan.

A ‘New Chapter’ in Australia–Timor Bilateral Relations? Assessing the Politics of the Timor Sea Maritime Boundary Treaty

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Strating
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Gas Field ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Maritime Boundary ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
History Of ◽  
Timor Sea ◽  
Policy Shift

Abstract The signing of the 2018 Maritime Boundary treaty was described by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop as opening ‘a new chapter’ in diplomatic relations with Timor-Leste. This contribution examines the importance of the treaty to bilateral relations. It provides a brief history of the Timor Sea disputes, explains Timor-Leste’s policy aims, and analyses Australia's foreign policy shift on the boundary delimitation issue. While there are positive signs in resolving the boundary dispute, uncertainty over the development of the Greater Sunrise gas field may impact bilateral relations in the future.

scholarly journals THE EVOLUTION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN MALAYSIA AND NORTH KOREA

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-120
Author(s):  
Mohd Ridwan Talib
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Priority List ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

This paper aims to analyse the aftermath of Kim Jong Nam’s assassination on the diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea along with the historical evolution of diplomatic relations between both countries since Malaysia’s independence. Little is known about the nature of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea, especially when public perceptions dictate that both countries barely share any similarities. In appreciating the implications of the murder case from the perspective of international law, an analysis is carried out on the history of diplomatic relations between Putrajaya and Pyongyang. A further study is conducted on the factors which attract Malaysia and North Korea to forge and strengthen their diplomatic relations. Malaysia’s inclusive foreign policy is highlighted via her participation in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1970 which promotes peaceful engagement with all countries regardless of their political allegiance, including the Communist-led regime in North Korea. The task of preserving regional safety and bolstering economic prosperity are top on Putrajaya’s priority list. With the volume of bilateral trade between Malaysia and North Korea is steadily increasing and Pyongyang’s continuous provocations of her Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), peaceful engagements with the aim of repairing the damaged diplomatic relations is the best option for both countries. This study concludes that although the relationship between the two nations is severed, it is crucial for Malaysia to consider reviving and enhancing bilateral relations with North Korea, hence benefiting Putrajaya in outlining Malaysia’s future foreign policy.

Revolutionary Diplomacy and Diasporic Politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Strategic Alignment ◽  
State Level ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
The Cold War

This introductory chapter provides a background of the intertwined histories of the People's Republic of China and Indonesia. During the Cold War, the PRC and Indonesia were connected by two kinds of ties. On the state-to-state level, in the early 1960s Beijing and Jakarta forged a strategic alignment built on a shared past of anticolonial struggle and an anticipated future of independence from the Cold War superpowers. On the transnational level, even though China and Indonesia do not share geographical borders, the existence of 2.5 million ethnic Chinese in Indonesia—many of whom had economic influence but an unclear citizenship status—gave rise to a porous social frontier. This book then interweaves the evolution of diplomatic relations with the sociopolitical lives of the Chinese in Indonesia. The overseas Chinese were, and still are, an important but highly controversial resource for the PRC's advancement of political and economic interests abroad. However, the precise extent of the PRC's control over the diaspora remains obscure.

South-South Cooperation: The Ivorian-Moroccan Case

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mamadou Sanogo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
African Union ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Sub Saharan

Ivorian-Moroccan relations are not new because the diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established since August 16, 1962, but the interest of Morocco for Côte d'Ivoire has considerably strengthened during the royal visit of 19-21 March 2013 in Côte d'Ivoire, the first, since the beginning of his reign in 1999. Morocco is now refocusing its foreign policy on sub-Saharan Africa after the failure of Maghreb integration. This rapprochement resulted in Morocco's return to the African Union and its accession to ECOWAS.

The Foreign Policy Mechanism of the Union Of South Africa and the Development of its Diplomatic Relations (1910–1948)

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Evolution ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
History Of

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.

Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Dramatic Shift

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

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