scholarly journals Indonesia-North Korea Diplomatic Relations: Effort to Pursue National Interest and Create Regional Peace [Hubungan Diplomatik Indonesia – Korea Utara: Upaya Mewujudkan Kepentingan Nasional dan Menciptakan Perdamaian Regional]

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Winning Coalition ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Weapon Development

This article aims to analyze the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea over its approximately fifty-nine years of bilateral relations, since 17 June 1961. The arguments posited in this regard is that the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea has been counterproductive. Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia actually has great potential to influence North Korea’s conducts through the close diplomatic relations that the two countries have developed. The friendship between Indonesia and North Korea began since the two states conducted reciprocal official visits 1964 and 1965. Indonesia’s foreign policy towards South Korea has often been carried out to influence the offensive decisions of North Korean leaders, especially in relation to the issue of nuclear weapon development. The key question is what should and can Indonesia do next to help create peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula by adhering to the principles of a free and active foreign policy? Why is it necessary for Indonesia to do this and how can Indonesia carry out this foreign policy towards North Korea? After becoming President since 2011, Kim Jong-un had to weaken his father’s winning coalition to consolidate domestic political stability. However, North Korea’s domestic market reforms have had the effect of eroding the Kim family’s ideological appeal. This is relevant to the expansion of political influence from Pyongyang, which prioritizes the continuation of a fragile centralized authoritarian power while maintaining sustainable domestic economic growth.AbstrakArtikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan secara analitis bagaimana implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara selama 59 tahun sejak 17 Juni 1961. Argumen yang ingin disampaikan tentang implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara adalah kontraproduktif. Indonesia di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo berpotensi besar untuk mampu memengaruhi perilaku Korea Utara melalui hubungan diplomatik. Persahabatan Indonesia dan Korea Utara dimulai sejak saling kunjung di 1964 dan 1965. Orientasi politik luar negeri Indonesia di masa lalu hingga saat ini, telah sering dilakukan untuk memengaruhi keputusan ofensif para pemimpin Korea Utara, khususnya terkait dengan isu pengembangan senjata nuklir. Pertanyaannya adalah apa yang harus dan sebaiknya dilakukan Indonesia selanjutnya untuk membantu menciptakan perdamaian dan stabilitas di Semenanjung Korea dengan tetap berpegang pada prinsip politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif? Mengapa hal tersebut perlu dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan bagaimana cara menjalankan kebijakan luar negeri terhadap Korea Utara tersebut? Kim Jong-un, setelah menjadi Presiden sejak 2011, harus melemahkan posisi koalisi pemenang ayahnya untuk konsolidasi stabilitas politik dalam negeri. Bagaimanapun, reformasi pasar domestik Korea Utara telah berdampak pada pengikisan daya tarik ideologis keluarga Kim. Hal ini relevan dengan perluasan pengaruh politik dari Pyongyang memprioritaskan pada keberlangsungan kekuatan otoriter terpusat yang rentan seiring bagaimana dapat mempertahankan pertumbuhan ekonomi dalam negeri berkelanjutan.

scholarly journals Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Anzar Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Social Culture ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
History Of ◽  
Growing Environment

Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

scholarly journals THE EVOLUTION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN MALAYSIA AND NORTH KOREA

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-120
Author(s):  
Mohd Ridwan Talib
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Priority List ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

This paper aims to analyse the aftermath of Kim Jong Nam’s assassination on the diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea along with the historical evolution of diplomatic relations between both countries since Malaysia’s independence. Little is known about the nature of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea, especially when public perceptions dictate that both countries barely share any similarities. In appreciating the implications of the murder case from the perspective of international law, an analysis is carried out on the history of diplomatic relations between Putrajaya and Pyongyang. A further study is conducted on the factors which attract Malaysia and North Korea to forge and strengthen their diplomatic relations. Malaysia’s inclusive foreign policy is highlighted via her participation in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1970 which promotes peaceful engagement with all countries regardless of their political allegiance, including the Communist-led regime in North Korea. The task of preserving regional safety and bolstering economic prosperity are top on Putrajaya’s priority list. With the volume of bilateral trade between Malaysia and North Korea is steadily increasing and Pyongyang’s continuous provocations of her Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), peaceful engagements with the aim of repairing the damaged diplomatic relations is the best option for both countries. This study concludes that although the relationship between the two nations is severed, it is crucial for Malaysia to consider reviving and enhancing bilateral relations with North Korea, hence benefiting Putrajaya in outlining Malaysia’s future foreign policy.

Korean Nuclear Crises: Is There A Way Forward?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muzaffar Ganaie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Nuclear Test ◽  
Nuclear Weapon State ◽  
Policy Challenge ◽  
Positive Results

<p><i>North Korea’s nuclear programme remains a key foreign policy challenge for United States. After its first nuclear test in 2006, Pyongyang has made an impressive progress in developing a credible nuclear deterrent through series of nuclear and missile tests. The diplomatic efforts to dissuade North Korea’s nuclear ambitions have not yielded positive results so far, as Pyongyang has not only developed a credible deterrent but continues to expand and strengthen it. The failure of Hanoi Summit, latest in the series of diplomatic initiatives to end the series has depended pessimism regarding future negations. Experts are skeptical about finding a diplomatic solution to the crises and the demand to explore other alternatives <sup>_____</sup> limited surgical strike, regime change, treating North Korea as de-facto nuclear weapon state <sup>_____</sup> to end the crises has intensified in recent years. However, dealing with the threat though these tools is highly risky and diplomatic outreach is the most preferred course to end the crises.</i></p>

scholarly journals The Effect of US Foreign Policy on the Relationship Between South and North Korea: Time Series Analysis of the Post-Cold War Era

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jong-Han Yoon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Behavior Pattern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Triangular Relationship ◽  
The Relationship

In this study, I examine the effect of US foreign policy on the relationship between South Korea and North Korea. In particular, I analyze whether two different foreign policy approaches—the hard-line approach and the soft-line approach—have played a role in advancing or slowing steps toward peace in the Korean peninsula. I use the Integrated Data for Events Analysis dataset for the period 1990–2004. By employing a Vector Autoregression model, which analyzes the behavioral patterns of South and North Korea and the United States, I find that US foreign policy affects the relationship between the two Koreas by affecting North Korea's behavior toward South Korea. The triangular relationship among the United States, North Korea, and South Korea shows a reciprocal behavior pattern. This finding suggests that a soft-line and reciprocal US foreign policy toward North Korea is critical to maintaining peace in the Korean peninsula.

Mongolian-Russian diplomatic relations: history and prospects

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amarjargal Dashnyam ◽  
Bulgantsetseg Gunchinsharav
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Further Development

The article deals with the history and prospects of the development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia. It is noted that diplomatic relations between the two states have a long history. The author identifies three main stages in the development of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The first stage was the Soviet one (until 1991). It was during this period that the foundations of cooperation between the two states were laid. At the same time, diplomatic relations were supported by broad cooperation in the economic and military-political spheres. Mongolia and Russia have been acting as allies for a long time. At the same time, the USSR acted as a guarantor of Mongolia's independence. The second stage (1991–2000) is characterized by the cooling of bilateral relations, which was due to the processes that took place in the USSR. The third stage (2000 and up to the present) is characterized by the intensification of diplomatic contacts. This is reflected in the frequency of official visits of the heads of state of Mongolia and Russia, as well as heads of diplomatic departments of Mongolia and Russia. The period of the 2000s. it is characterized by the presence of permanent diplomatic contacts between Mongolia and Russia. Their results are expressed in a number of declarations and agreements on cooperation between countries in various fields. Cross-border cooperation is also actively developing. The author notes that the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia are dictated by the goals of the foreign policy of both countries. The author notes that Mongolia is characterized by the desire to build equally equal relations with all states. Russia, on the contrary, seeks to build cooperation by attracting new member states to interstate associations of various directions. In particular, Russian diplomacy is making efforts to attract Mongolia to participate in the processes taking place within the framework of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the further development of cooperation is considered by the Russian side from the point of view of deepening the processes of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the Mongolian side, in accordance with the provisions of its foreign policy concept, does not seek to join any political associations. The author concludes that considering the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the differences in approaches to the implementation of foreign policy between the two countries.

The EU Soft Power in the Global Equilibrium

2014 ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
A. Baykov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Power Strategies ◽  
The Eu

The paper analyzes the basic parameters of the soft power of the European Union in the context of the effectiveness of its foreign policy and comparison with the efforts of Russia's own resources capacity of non-violent political influence. To solve this purpose the author dissects the basic interpretation soft power, reviews the criteria to measure the effectiveness foreign policy, highlights the existing scholarly discussion regarding the applicability, relevance and accuracy of the concepts of hard and soft power in applied policy analysis. Particular attention is paid to the problem of trust in international relations in general and in the relations between Russia and the EU in particular. The presence of trust in international relations constitutes a prerequisite to solve any problems for foreign policy. Analyzing the practical expression of the basic values of Western European countries and Russia the article concludes that the efficiency of 'soft power' strategies exercised both by Russia and the EU vis-à-vis each other is rather low. The multi-faceted relations between Russia and the European Union with closely interwoven national interests of different countries do not make these relationships easier whereas a whole array of historical and psychological problems do not add trust. Therefore, it is reasonable to opt for formalized dialogue institutions. In conclusion, the author provides recommendations for medium-and long-term prospects of the bilateral relations.

President Moon Jae-in's Policy on the Settlement of the Inter-Korean Relations: Searching for a Balance between the Desirable and the Possible

2021 ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Valery Yu. Mishin ◽  
◽  
Anna V. Simonenok ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
The Republic

Moon Jae-in came to power in May 2017 in the wake of the Korean political crisis and impeachment of the previous president Park Geyn-hye. Since the very first days of his leadership President Moon has set a course for a sequential transformation of the inter-Korean relations and prevention of the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The cornerstone of his program was the idea that the denuclearization of North Korea and the establishment of the long-lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula is possible provided that the North-South relations are normalized and Pyongyang is involved into the constructive peaceful dialogue. The authors demonstrate how Moon Jae-in was able to start the renaissance in the inter-Koran relations. He used the experience of the previous liberal governments of the Republic of Korea and successfully developed and enhanced the famous Sunshine Policy with his own ideas. The first stage of Moon Jane-in's presidency was marked with some serious foreign policy achievements. Thanks to the tactic of “summit diplomacy” President Moon was able to achieve significant reduction in tensions on the Korean Peninsula, which resulted in the fact that relations between the North and the South became more friendly and trustworthy. The historical documents signed during these summits - the Panmunjom Declaration (April 2018) and the Comprehensive Military Agreement (September 2018) - and their fast practical implementation can also be considered as President Moon's success. Further advancement of Moon Jae-in's course for building positive relationships with the DPRK faced serious obstruction from the United States. The authors show how simultaneously with settlement of inter-Korean relations President Moon had to deal with another difficult task - neutralization of the external factors (US sanctions and disagreements between Washington and Pyongyang) that were harmful for the development of the North Korea-South Korea relations. The tactics of being a mediator between the United States and North Korea chosen by Moon Jae-in was quite efficient in the beginning. The blatant enemies - Pyongyang and Washington - clamped down on their confrontation and sat at the negotiating table. However, the intransigence of Washington on the issue of a gradual and phase-based denuclearization of North Korea and withdrawal of sanctions altogether with the non-constructive criticism of the South Korean opposition made Moon Jae-in a hostage of the situation, limiting his potentially independent and substantive steps in foreign policy. Meanwhile, the authors of the research have come to the conclusion that on some issues President Moon was able to achieve much more than his predecessors. Despite the fact that he was unable to achieve a full-scaled settlement of the inter-Korean relations he did everything possible under the existing circumstances. Nowadays one can say that the challenges of the North Korean nuclear missile program and security on the Korean Peninsula are no longer entirely military topics, they are even more likely to be diplomatic issues. This fact is un-doubtfully his great accomplishment. Thus, it is possible to foresee good perspectives for the further declining level of the regional tensions and for the development of the inter-Korean relations.

Managing volatile asymmetry: China’s emergence from the Korean dilemma

2021 ◽  
pp. 136914812098015
Author(s):  
Xiao Ren
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Know How ◽  
Asian Security ◽  
Northeast Asian ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

Among the most complicated issues in contemporary Chinese foreign policy is that of the Korean Peninsula and North Korea in particular. Critics have long complained, often internally, that China dare not use, and did not know how to use, the leverage it possessed. Why was this the case given that the relationship with North Korea is an asymmetric one with China the much more powerful side? Has China managed this asymmetry better more recently, and why? This article tries to address these questions. The relationship changed significantly in recent years when the Xi Jinping leadership decided to take unprecedented measures. Those actions have been consequential. China has emerged from being embarrassed by North Korea’s nuclear and missile development to re-establishing itself as central to Korean and Northeast Asian security.

scholarly journals Prospects for North Korean Regime and the Interests of Russia

2019 ◽  
pp. 16-26
Author(s):  
Valeriy Denisov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Political System ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Market Mechanisms ◽  
North East ◽  
Kim Jong Il ◽  
The Usa

The paper deals with the dynamics of home and foreign policy of North Korea under Kim Jong-un leadership, especially in last several years. Analyzed are new trends in and prospects for the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of North Korea transformation into a full-fledged nuclear state. The author considers the return to party-centered political system (instead of total militarization under Kim Jong-il) as well as cautious economic reforms including introduction of some market mechanisms and attempts aimed at formation of basics of innovative economics. Factors hampering the development of the country, in particular, various economic sanctions, are also discussed, as well as prospects for diplomatic dialogue of North Korea with countries on North-East Asia. Contact between the leaders of North Korea and the USA are touched upon. The problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is critically considered. In conclusion, possible directions of cooperation between Russia and North Korea are outlined.

A ‘New Chapter’ in Australia–Timor Bilateral Relations? Assessing the Politics of the Timor Sea Maritime Boundary Treaty

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Strating
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Gas Field ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Maritime Boundary ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
History Of ◽  
Timor Sea ◽  
Policy Shift

Abstract The signing of the 2018 Maritime Boundary treaty was described by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop as opening ‘a new chapter’ in diplomatic relations with Timor-Leste. This contribution examines the importance of the treaty to bilateral relations. It provides a brief history of the Timor Sea disputes, explains Timor-Leste’s policy aims, and analyses Australia's foreign policy shift on the boundary delimitation issue. While there are positive signs in resolving the boundary dispute, uncertainty over the development of the Greater Sunrise gas field may impact bilateral relations in the future.

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