scholarly journals Division of Lanao Del Sur 1, DepEd-ARMM: Its Vital Role in Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in the Post-Conflict Settings

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sahanee M. Sumagayan

The Philippines has experienced over 40 years of internal armed conflict in the Southern Island of Mindanao, as the resident Muslim population continues to demand self-determination. Hence, this study aimed to locate and explore frameworks on building peace initiatives and conflict tools resolution as the symbolic rites of procedures. Specifically, it sought to: 1) Understand the meaning of peacebuilding and reconciliation in the context of post-conflict settings; 2) Define extremism; 3) Determine the role of Division of Lanao del Sur 1, DepEd-ARMM in preventing extremism, and 4) Determine how education can counter religious extremism. Using documentary analysis method, data were obtained and collected from the Mindanao State University (MSU) System library, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Philippine National Police, the Department of Education (DepEd-ARMM), the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the Philippine National Red Cross (PNRC), and Bangon Marawi Task Force. There were six (6) key informants interviewed by the researcher. Based on the nature of the study, no statistical treatment of data gathered was done. This is the limitation of the study.  Findings revealed that peacebuilding facilitates the establishment of durable peace and prevents the recurrence of violence through reconciliation, education, institutional and political building for economic transformation. The Division of Lanao del Sur 1, DepED-ARMM recommends that the government should create an independent commission to highlight measurable progress and determine the benchmarks that these programs have met.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-105
Author(s):  
Rabi Raj Thapa

There can be no issue of greater consequence than the use of force for police and law enforcement professionals. In a transitional post-conflict country like Nepal, internal security agencies play a vital role in managing the complexity of political, social and economic transformation. Ever since the end of the feudal oligarchic militaristic Rana regime, internal security and law enforcement took precedence in providing safety and security for the Nepalese people. Since Nepal entered a democratic transition in 1950, it almost failed to consolidate and strengthen its internal security and law enforcement apparatus by appropriately restructuring and consolidating the Nepal Police and National Intelligence functions. Even after the democratic political transformation of 1950, it took five years to establish the national Nepal Police in 1955. Law enforcement agencies are now challenged to solve problems well beyond traditional scope. Therefore, internal security must come up with highly developed methods of policing and law enforcement. Technologically, this may not be possible yet, but it can provide management and training of its personnel based on world standards of policing and emphasizing knowledge and skill enhancement and professional behavior. This paper has tried to focus and analyze the use of force by internal security apparatus of the Government of Nepal in the past and brain-storm its future roles and challenges. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part will touch upon contextual commentary on the use of force in brief. The second part will highlight three time-tested models and procedure of the use of force.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Grace Zurielle Malolos ◽  
Joseph Christian Obnial ◽  
Rena Mallillin ◽  
Pamela Bianca Pasco ◽  
Erika Ong ◽  
...  

The Philippines is the largest Christian-majority country in Asia. With church gatherings playing a vital role in the nature of Christianity in the Filipino culture, the advent of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic in the Philippines posed challenges to public religious practices amid efforts to mitigate COVID-19 community transmission. Various policy pronouncements from both the government-led Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF) on Emerging Diseases and the church-led Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) were issued. These guidelines were implemented in order to address the two-pronged problem on healthcare and religious obligations. While these guidelines were initially contributory to the mitigation of disease transmission, varied compliance by Filipinos was observed through the progression of the pandemic. Considering the value that church gatherings and religion play in the lives of the Filipino people, further studies on COVID-19 transmission in the church should be conducted in order to develop more efficient policies and guidelines on the practice of religion, particularly for religious gatherings. Furthermore, a more synergistic state and church cooperation must be encouraged in order to arrive at solutions that will mutually address the concomitant problems of the COVID-19 pandemic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Marlon Pontino Guleng ◽  
Razaleigh Muhamat@Kawangit ◽  
Zulkefli Aini

Mainstreaming the issue of Islamic education in the Philippines will be a major avenue in providing the overall educational requirements for every Filipino Muslims. A qualitative method is applied in this study, which mainly involved analyzing contents. The findings of the study show that Islamic education plays a vital role in peace and development for Muslims-Christians relationship. The study finds out that due to the achievement of peace and development for the country, the government implements Arabic Language and Islamic Values Program (ALIVE) that lead to National Public Holiday, provide equal education, provide opportunity for Muslims scholars and give some advantage to Muslim society in the Philippines. Focus on the issue of Islamic education in the country will create a garden of peace that may lead to respect and harmony.


Subject The rising threat from BACRIM. Significance Organised criminal groups are now the non-state actors most frequently responsible for internal displacement of Colombians, according to a recent UN report. There is also evidence that the so-called BACRIM (criminal bands) are seeking to fill the vacuum after an eventual demobilisation of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The BACRIM, and Los Urabenos in particular, have expanded control over rural areas and the mining sector, posing a threat as the government seeks to attract foreign investment to boost development in a post-conflict environment. Impacts Criminal violence in cities along the western coast is already causing damage to Colombia's international image. Increased insecurity perceptions risk marring the political and economic benefits the government expects from the peace process. Criminal groups such as Los Urabenos will benefit from the vacuum left by the FARC if a peace treaty is signed later this year.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (27) ◽  
pp. 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Ruiz Diaz ◽  
John Galeano Raquejo ◽  
Edwin Gil Mateus

<p align="center">Resumen</p><p> </p><p>Las negociaciones de paz del gobierno con las denominadas Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) podrían tener efectos sobre la economía colombiana. Por ello se esbozan  tres escenarios –pesimista, neutral y optimista– en los que se distingan efectos a nivel financiero y de comercio internacional en los cinco años posteriores a la finalización del proceso de negociación. Partiendo del estudio de casos en cinco países que enfrentaron la terminación de un conflicto interno, por vía militar o diplomática, se analizaron variables sobre las cuales se podría prever un efecto, teniendo en cuenta el posconflicto y el desenlace de las negociaciones de paz entre la guerrilla y el Gobierno. Se concluye que en los cinco años posteriores a la firma del acuerdo, la balanza de bienes y servicios crecería entre el 3% y  6%; el comercio lo haría entre 10% y 15%; el Riesgo País se incrementaría alrededor de 4 puntos; la Inversión Extranjera Directa (IED) aumentaría entre 40% y 50%; el crecimiento del PIB anual estaría 1 ó 2 puntos porcentuales más alto que el actual y el gasto militar disminuiría al 10% como porcentaje del PIB.</p><p> </p><p align="center">Abstract</p><p> </p><p>The government peace negotiations with the so-called Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) could have an impact on the Colombian economy, being relevant to analyze such effects. Therefore three possible scenarios to financial and international trade level for a period of five years, compared to the possible outcomes of the negotiation process are outlined. From case studies in five countries faced the completion of an internal conflict, military or diplomatic channels, variables were analyzed on which could provide an effect, taking into account the post-conflict and outcome of peace negotiations between the guerrillas and the government. It is concluded that in the five years after signing the agreement, the balance of goods and services would grow between 3% and 6%; would trade between 10% and 15% greater; country risk would rise about 4 points; Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) would increase between 40% and 50%; annual GDP growth would be 1 or 2 percentage points higher than the current and military spending would decrease 10% as a percentage of GDP.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. p8
Author(s):  
Genalyn Panganiban Lualhati ◽  
Shiela R. Lumbaga ◽  
Nazarene Carlo M. Pagaspas ◽  
Ma. Fatima N. Quimio

In the Philippines, agriculture plays a vital role because this sector can contribute a lot in the development of the economy. The value of documenting the agriculture growth annually and the problems encountered is being done by the government particularly, the Department of Agriculture (DA) to come up with interventions or programs to support the Filipino farmers, both in rural and urban areas. Hence, this study focused on determining the farmers’ awareness on climate change and their adaptation strategies in one municipality in Batangas Province. By employing mixed method through self-made questionnaire and focus group discussion, this study revealed that respondents are highly aware on climate change and the best strategy to use in adapting to climate change was conservation agriculture. The study offered recommendations that different authorities can employ to strengthen the farmer’s awareness and adaptation on climate change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-61
Author(s):  
Dr. Froilan Mobo

Many individuals suffer from human abuses like human trafficking, drug related concerns which are protected by powerful and influential people who are connected in the government which resulted to corruption and poverty in the philippines.  There is a need to reform these wrong practices which are experienced by the majority of our constituents. So the Humanitarian Group plays a vital role in this situation by ensuring and monitoring the Sustainability, Growth, and Development of our Community in transforming nation-building.


2020 ◽  
pp. 295-310
Author(s):  
Ala Uddin

This paper attempts to provide an insight into the transforming role of education in peace-building in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The region has been witnessed ethnic conflict since the mid-1970s. However, the situation intensified with the government sponsored population transfer program (1979 onward), which not only changed the demographic profile, it forcibly displaced many indigenous people—who less than two decades earlier had already been displaced by the Kaptai hydroelectric project (in 1960s). Consequently, the indigenous people who were already in duress because of land scarcity caused by the dam and transmigration faced further survival problem in competition with the Bengali settlers. In this situation, the indigenous people resisted the influx of the Bengali settlers in the hills. In response to the resistance, the Bangladesh government deployed a huge number of military and other armed forces to foil the “insurgency”. In consequence, many incidents of massacre, attack and reprisal attack, killing, sexual violence, etc. took place, often committed by the armed forces and Bengali settlers. However, a couple of initiatives led to a long-awaited agreement in 1997, which formally ended the two and half-decade-long bloody conflict in the hills. Even though 17 years have elapsed since the signing of the Accord, the region is neither a peaceful nor a secured region to its people. Under the circumstances, this paper proposes education can transform the communities toward peaceful coexistence. Addressing the sensitive issues education can contribute to reconstruct and social renewal in the aftermath of violent conflict. Based on empirical findings, also consulted with secondary sources, the paper posits, merely education is not the solution of the long-standing conflict; however, it has significant role to play in peace-building in the post-conflict and conflict-affected societies, like the CHT.


Author(s):  
Nada Mustafa Ali

This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.


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