scholarly journals Knowledge Level of New Media Application Tools and Operational Use Challenges (A Survey of Radio and TV Journalists in Government-owned Media Organizations)

Author(s):  
T. M. Obajuluwa ◽  
F. O. Talabi ◽  
O. Oluwasola

The study examined the knowledge of the use of new media tools and applications for the enhancement of information gathering and dissemination in the newsroom and the challenges faced in the integration of these tools in journalism practice, giving credence to peculiarities of the Nigerian situation. The study seeks to achieve the following objectives: to find out the challenges of news and information gathering in a digital age, to determine the knowledge level and operational skill of journalists use of the veritable tools such as apps and ICT facilities employed in the new media realm and also to enumerate ICTs challenges faced in order to engender support and vibrant journalism practice in Nigeria. The survey research method was adopted while the questionnaire was used as an instrument of data collection. Respondents showed a slightly above average knowledge level of podcasting and Google image uses (64%). However, there was little knowledge demonstrated in the uses of the wiki, dejero/bambuser etc (38% and 29% respectively). Also, challenges plaguing journalism practice in Nigeria include inadequate staff training, epileptic telecommunication network and internet server problem as a major problem (among others). This study, therefore, among others; recommends that the government provides the needed social infrastructures, which the media need to operate. In this sense, the government should improve on the power supply situation so that ICT facilities can function under the right environment and adequate training for right knowledge and use of technological applications used for attaining the standards of international media best practices.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley Sarah Muchetwa ◽  
Ephraim Maruta ◽  
Hilda Jaka ◽  
Joyman Ruvado ◽  
Evans Chazireni

The paper reports findings from a study that explored health communication strategies employed by the media on the state of preparedness by the Zimbabwean government during the COVID 19 crisis by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Television (ZBC-TV). The study adopted secondary data analysis. Data were collected using secondary sources. The study was influenced by the framing theory. The study found out that ZBC-TV used songs, road shows, commercial ads, dramas, musical shows on reporting the pandemic. The archival documents also revealed that ZBC-TV have used periodical updates as health communication strategies to educate the public about COVID 19. ZBC-TV also used Facebook showing staff from the Office of the President and Cabinet receiving the Covid 19 vaccine at the same time applauding positive response from Harare Metropolitan Province as front line workers surpassed the target under the first phase of Covid-19 vaccine roll out plan. The study concluded that the health communication strategies employed by ZBC-TV have been effective in increasing the societal awareness about health issues. ZBC-TV managed to reach out to the masses using both the television and by making use of the new media communication technologies. However, press censorship has been a challenge in publishing information concerning COVID 19 as the media house is not allowed to publish anything that tarnishes the image of the government. It is based on such evidence that the study concludes that ZBC-TV at some point distorted information to paint the picture that the government is doing all it can to contain the spread of COVID 19 and ensuring the safety of the public. The study recommends that the ministry should ensure freedom of information publicity, in which media houses, including ZBC-TV is not controlled by any political party of government. The government should also privatise ZBC-TV so that it will be answerable to the public and not few government officials. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0895/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Author(s):  
Ahmed Omar Bali ◽  
Sherko Jabar ◽  
Hazhar Jalal ◽  
Mahdi Sofi-Karim

Influenced by digital technologies, the cost of media production has considerably decreased, and the traditional media is faced with new agile, flexible and low-cost media entrepreneurs. This article examines the dynamics of the Iraqi media market transformation with an emphasis on factors that help to merge media entrepreneurs and digital media firms that target an audience on social media. A qualitative method was adopted in this study using open, in-depth interviews with nineteen media entrepreneurs and three managers of media firms. The study revealed that relative freedom and advanced communication technologies have encouraged media entrepreneurs to drive the new media on producing short videos and broadcast them on social media, which has become popular among media consumers. This new era in Iraqi media entrepreneurship has created an abstract space in which media entrepreneurs get involved in the media market, collaborate with international media and deliver values through the use of user-generated content and flexible journalism. This opportunity is shaped by three key interrelated factors: first, the relative freedom of journalism that resulted from the political environment, current regulations and advanced communication technologies that provide more space of freedom; second, the development of communication technologies that allow journalists and media entrepreneurs to employ the media market effectively; third, the emergence of media entrepreneurs themselves who are convinced to seize the opportunities presented by the two previous factors.


Significance The issue of media independence has become a fraught one under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration, with perceptions rising among journalists and the public that the government is subjecting the media to political pressure. Critics of the administration speak of censorship and threats to freedom of expression. Japan's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index has fallen from 22nd in 2011-12, before Abe took office, to 61st in 2015. Impacts The government seems likely to try to marginalise the criticisms of constitutional scholars, like it marginalises its other critics. International media as well as domestic journalists are likely to feel some pressure from the authorities. In the near term, the issue is unlikely to destabilise the government, or derail passage of security legislation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Sapiezynska

Two narratives dominate the literature about the state of freedom of expression in postliberal Venezuela, and they have few points in common, since they depend on different conceptualizations of the notion of freedom of expression. While the traditional liberal narrative focuses on the negative freedom that prohibits state interference, the postliberal narrative is based on positive freedom that encompasses the collective right of self-realization, particularly for the previously marginalized. During the government of Hugo Chávez, the discourse of freedom of expression was renewed, placing it in the context of power relations, accentuating positive freedom, and emphasizing the role of the public and community media. The establishment of the international public channel TeleSUR has revived the 1970s debate about the right to communication and contributed to the creation of a new Latin American-ness. En la literatura predominan dos narrativas acerca del estado de la libertad de expresión en la Venezuela posliberal las que tienen pocos puntos en común porque parten de visiones distintas del concepto de la libertad de expresión. Mientras la narrativa liberal tradicional enfoca sólo en la libertad negativa que previene la injerencia estatal, la narrativa posliberal se centra en la libertad positiva que abarca la autorrealización del derecho colectivo, también de los previamente marginalizados. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez el discurso acerca de la libertad de expresión se renueva, insertando el concepto en el contexto de las relaciones de poder, acentuando la libertad positiva y enfatizando el rol de los medios públicos y comunitarios. El establecimiento del medio público internacional TeleSUR revive los debates sobre el derecho a la comunicación de la década de los 70 y aporta a la creación de una nueva Latinoamericanidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Md. Aliur Rahman ◽  
Harun-Or Rashid

The Digital Security Act 2018 has created some barriers for citizens' accessing information and freedom of expression, particularly for the media professionals including journalists in Bangladesh. Thus, investigative journalism is now in a state of fear for distinction. In this context, the purpose of the study is to explore various effects of this Act, as well as to focus on different directions of protection while facing fears associated with the law. Showing the necessities for investigative journalism, this article also presented different fields of such an effective journalism. Methodologically, this article has followed the qualitative approach and collected information from both the primary and secondary sources. The findings from this study have shown that the fear of negative impacts form the Digital Security Act is dominant although the aim of the law, as described, is to provide security for information and communication. From the analysis of opinions of experts, it is easily predictable that some articles of the law have created dangerous threats on the way of investigative journalism, considering its applicable effects. Most of the experts expressed concerns about the negative impacts the law does have, as shown in the findings.  It is also reflected that these harmful effects would fall ultimately on the shoulder of the state creating such a bad situation where the government is feared to have lagged in terms of taking the right decisions at the right time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Dabagyan Emil ◽  

The article analyzes the most important period in the historical development of Venezuela. Under the dictator Juan Vicente Gomez, who reigned uncontrollably for a long time, the “Generation of the 28th” emerged. It contributed notably to the democratic development of the country. The participants of named movement were mainly the representatives of student youth; they were the first to openly oppose the tyranny. "The Generation of the 28th" went through a complex evolutionary path eradicating their own mistakes. A representative democracy functioned in Venezuela for forty years. It modified the face of Venezuelan society: the adopted Constitution guaranteed to all citizens the right to elect and be elected. The regular shifts in all the government agencies, a freedom of assembly and the media were practiced. The democratic institutions worked securily while serious socio-economic reforms were carried out throughout the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Nikmah Lubis

Virus corona muncul pertama kali di Wuhan China yang merupakan virus yang menginfeksi pernapasan atau disebut Covid-19. Penyebarannya yang begitu cepat sampai ke seluruh negara menimbulkan pengaruh terhadap beberapa sektor, seperti kesehatan, sosial, politik, ekonomi maupun agama. Penyebaran informasi yang cepat dan menyeluruh yang dilakukan oleh media, menjadi kesempatan sebagian orang untuk menyebar hoax, rumor dan konspirasi yang dilakukan untuk kepentingan pribadi dan golongan tertentu. Penyebaran tersebut tidak terlepas dari otoritas yang dimilikinya. Otoritas politik dan otoritas agama mengalami penurunan legitimasi sehingga media baru membuat fragmentasi otoritas tetapi ada ketimpangan pengetahuan antara pemerintah, ahli kesehatan, dan masyarakat biasa. Sehingga masyarakat bebas menggunakan media apapun untuk bersuara. Para otoritas agama juga ikut meramaikan media online dan media sosial dalam menyampaikan pendapatnya tentang Covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pengumpulan data sekunder yang bersumber dari artikel jurnal, media online. Hasilnya otoritas agama memiliki pengaruh kuat dalam menyampaikan informasi kepada khalayak. Walaupun sebagian informasi yang disampaikan bertentangan dengan otoritas lainnya seperti otoritas kesehatan dan politik (pemerintah)[The corona virus first appeared in Wuhan China, which is a virus that infects respiration or is called Covid-19. The spread is so fast that the whole country has an influence on several sectors, such as health, social, political, economic and religious. The rapid and comprehensive dissemination of information carried out by the media has become an opportunity for some people to spread hoaxes, rumors and conspiracies carried out for personal and certain group interests. The spread is inseparable from the authority it has. Political authority and religious authority have decreased legitimacy so that the new media create fragmentation of authority but there is a knowledge gap between the government, health experts, and ordinary people. So that people are free to use any media to speak out. Religious authorities have also participated in online media and social media in expressing their opinions about Covid-19. This study uses qualitative methods with secondary data sourced from journal articles, online media. The result is that religious authorities have a strong influence in conveying information to the public. Although some of the information contradicts other authorities such as health and political authorities (government)]


Author(s):  
Martin C. Njoroge ◽  
Purity Kimani ◽  
Bernard J. Kikech

The way the media processes, frames, and passes on information either to the government or to the people affects the function of the political system. This chapter discusses the interaction between new media and ethnicity in Kenya, Africa. The chapter investigates ways in which the new media reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya’s 2007 presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between new media and ethnicity, the chapter argues that the upsurge of ethnic animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Prior to the election, politicians had mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines, and created a tinderbox situation. Thus, there is need for the new media in Kenya to help the citizens to redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than weaknesses in these differences.


Author(s):  
Zizi Papacharissi

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4.9) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Wesam Almahallawi ◽  
Hasmah Zanuddin

Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.  


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