scholarly journals Mobilization agenda of generations in the mirror of the "IQBuzz" system (experience of analyzing protests in Siberian cities)

2021 ◽  
pp. 102-116
Author(s):  
Yuriy Pustovoyt
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Generational Change ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Real Behavior ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Analysis System ◽  
Similarity And Difference

The aim of this work is to study changes in the mobilization agenda (printed and audiovisual statements by leaders and participants of political communities aimed at establishing control over significant resources) in the context of generational change. The research design was set by theoretical constructs formulated within the tradition of identifying and describing the dynamics of generations (K. Mannheim, W. Strauss, N. Hove, V. Radaev), a complex of the theory of identity formation through interactive ritual interaction (R. Collins, N. Rozov) and the theory of mobilization by Ch. Tilly. The focus of attention is the hypothesis of V. Radaev about the intergenerational «rift», the absence of common political themes between the representatives of the Soviet and Russian generations. Using the capabilities of cybermetric methods provided by the IQBuzz automated message analysis system, the author identifies message complexes that determine the mobilization agenda in January 2021 in Siberian cities. Comparison of the obtained data with real behavior and comparison of significant publications with each other by methods of similarity and difference allow us to draw a conclusion about the peculiarities of the manifestation of political activity of millennials. The results show that, as such, there is no intergenerational rift, despite all the dissimilarity, the Soviet and Russian generations have a number of common politicized topics (social justice, national identity). The main symbolic conflict takes place between the «power» communities, those who have received certain competitive collective advantages within the framework of the policy declared by the state (political agenda), and those who do not have them («non-systemic opposition»). The line of conflict runs rather between representatives of the same generation, peers, some of whom are included in the official political system and those that act independently in the political field. The results obtained show the prospects of continuing the work and are quite organically combined with the existing theoretical traditions of the study of generations: the classical archetypes of «prophets», «nomads» and «heroes» and Soviet studies of the «sixties» - «seventies».

De spreiding van betogingen in België

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Blue Collar ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Professional Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Blue Collar Workers ◽  
Younger Age ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Typical Behaviour

In this article the spread of demonstrations - a political activity that situates itself in the middle on the scale of conventional - unconventional political action - is studied. The rare survey of the effective participation in demonstrations in Belgium shows that it is rather high. An extensive minority of some 20 to 25% ofthe Belgians declares to have participated in a demonstration. These figures modify the image of the passive, indifferent citizen that research of conventional political participation has shown. The spread of the participation in demonstrations according to age and professional activity, moreover, differs from the pattern found in conventional participation. Demonstrating is typical behaviour of the younger age-categories and therefore of students, but also of farmers, blue collar workers and lower-ranked white collar workers.From this survey follow a number of results connected to the use of demonstrations and the number of demonstrators during the period 1953-74. Related statistics indicate that the number of demonstrations and demonstrators increases, the latter not to the same extent as the farmer however. Furthermore it appears that students, labor unions and agricultural organizations have often come to the streets to enforce their demands. Thematically speaking, particularly problems related to traditional cleavages in Belgian polities have been theobject of demonstrations: ideological, socio-economic and linguistic issues. Organizations active in the area of this cleavages are able to mobilize a great number ofdemonstrators. These organizations are for the most part pillarized and structurally well-developed. Nevertheless the division between issues and organizations during the period 1953-74 has become less unequal. During the sixties and the early seventies the share of traditional cleavages in the number of demonstrations and demonstrators is becoming smaller. New organizations areusing demonstrations more and more to put new issues (environment, foreign policy, quality ofdemocracy, etc.) on the political agenda. They have, however, not the same power to mobilise as do the pillarized organizations.

scholarly journals AHLUSSUNAH WAL JAMAAH'S POLITICAL PRACTICES IN POST-REFORM INDONESIA

Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Islamic Politics ◽  
Analysis System

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.

Discursive democracy and the challenge of state building in divided societies: reckoning with symbolic capital in Bosnia and Herzegovina

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Ivie ◽  
Timothy William Waters
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
State Building ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Discursive Democracy ◽  
Political Communities

Current approaches to democratic state building place serious conceptual limits on policy options. A democratic future for Bosnia's people will require far more searching engagement with identity formation and its politicization than reform efforts have so far contemplated. Theories of discursive democracy illuminate how this might be possible. We deploy the discursive idea of symbolic capital to show how one might identify the lines along which people in Bosnia could constitute meaningful, internally legitimated political communities - or that would indicate the experiment was not worth attempting. Unless advocates of democratic state building can articulate, rather than assume, a sufficiency of common ground among the populations’ multiple, overlapping and conflicting identities, they may have to revert to the default of separate political communities.

scholarly journals The co-production of a "relevant" expertise – administrative and scientific cooperation in the French water policies elaboration and implementation since the 1990s

2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 1165-1174 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. F. Deroubaix
Keyword(s):  
Water Management ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Science Studies ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Integrated Management ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
Methodological Choices ◽  
Political Communities

Abstract. This paper aims at understanding the social and political uses of the principle of integrated management and its possible impacts on the elaboration and implementation processes of public policies in the French water management sector. The academic and political innovations developed by scientists and agents of the administration these last 25 years are analysed, using some of the theoretical tools developed by the science studies and public policy analysis. We first focus on the construction of intellectual public policy communities such as the GIP Hydro systems, at the origin of large interdisciplinary research programs in the 1990s. A common cognitive framework is clearly built during this period on the good governance of the aquatic ecosystems and on the corresponding needs and practices of research. The second part of the paper focuses on the possibilities to build political communities and more or less integrated expertises in the decision making processes concerning various issues related to water management. Eutrophication and its inscription on the French political agenda is a very significant case for analysing the difficulty to build such a political community. On the contrary, when there is an opportunity for policy evaluation, which was the case concerning the management of wetlands in France or the implementation of compulsory flows on the French rivers, these communities can emerge. However, the type of integrated expertise and management proposed in these cases of policy evaluations much depends on their methodological choices.

scholarly journals Dangling in a Vacuum: A Presentation of Polish Think Tanks in Political Life

2020 ◽  
pp. 088832542094110
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jezierska
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Positioning Theory ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Institutional Identity ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Data

This article belongs to the special cluster, “Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe”, guest-edited by Katarzyna Jezierska and Serena Giusti. This article explores the image and reputation of think tanks in their reciprocal relationship with their environment. The aim is to unravel the logic of think tanks’ institutional identity formation in the largely understudied context of Poland. How do Polish think tanks present themselves and how are they (re)presented by others? To answer these questions, the Goffmanian microsociological framework and positioning theory are adjusted to a study of institutions. The analysis of original interview and media data reveals that Polish think tanks project an image of and are perceived by the media as being weak. I argue that this image and reputation of weakness should primarily be explained by think tanks’ and the media’s perceptions of the political field, which confine the possible identity and positioning of think tanks.

scholarly journals ¿Revolución cultural en Colombia?: Impresos y representaciones, 1968-1972

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 92-128
Author(s):  
Álvaro Acevedo Tarazona
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Cultural Magazines ◽  
Main Ideas ◽  
The University ◽  
Discursive Representations

El artículo analiza las incidencias de la revolución cultural planetaria de finales de los años sesenta y principios de los años setenta en Colombia. En esos años los universitarios experimentaron una intensa actividad intelectual y política por intermedio de la lectura de revistas culturales y libros de izquierda, sin descontar nuevas modalidades de comunicación que desempeñaron el papel de difusoras de contenidos abiertamente revolucionarios, contestatarios y contraculturales. La justificación de la guerra revolucionaria comunista, la lucha ideológica en contra de la cultura capitalista o la defensa de los nuevos paradigmas del mundo artístico y ético, fueron algunas de las ideas que con más fuerza circularon en la juventud da aquel periodo. Así, el autor analiza las principales ideas, nociones, conceptos y representaciones que modificaron o motivaron las prácticas juveniles, y que esos jóvenes conocieron principalmente por intermedio de las revistas culturales y los libros más importantes del mercado editorial.Palabras clave: representaciones discursivas, revistas, libros, revolución cultural, estudiantes universitarios.  Cultural Revolution in Colombia?: Forms and Representations, 1968-1972Abstract            The article analyses the incidents of the planetary Cultural Revolution at the end of the sixties and the beginning of the seventies in Colombia. In those years, the university students experienced an intense intellectual and political activity regarding the cultural magazines and leftist books, undiscounted new modalities of media, which played the role of broadcasters for open revolutionary content, protesters and countercultural. The Communist Revolutionary War justification, the ideological struggle against capitalist culture, or the artistic and ethical new paradigms defense, were some of the ideas that more circulated on youth people of this period. For this, the author analyzes the main ideas, notions, concepts and representations that could modify or motivate youth practices, and that these young people met mainly through cultural magazines and the most important books of the publishing market.Keywords: discursive representations, magazines, books, Cultural Revolution, university students.

scholarly journals LYNCHNING: EN SVØBE FOR MENNESKEHEDEN

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Stepputat
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
National Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Violent Conflicts ◽  
Self Defence

The article explores the phenomenon of mob violence in predominatly Mayan towns in rural Guatemala. Since 1996, more than 100 people have been killed by crowds in rural towns. The victims have usually been young men accused of often minor criminal acts, or representatives of the state trying to protect the victims. The occurrence of mob violence coincides roughly with the area where the army organized civil self-defence patrols during the civil war from 1981-96 as part of the national security counterinsurgency program. The post-conflict transition has paradoxically brought security back to the top of the political agenda as political violence has been substituted and overshadowed by violence related to drug trafficking and other forms of criminality. The article shows how mob violence has been interpreted in the context of postconflict transformations where the elimination of violence and violent conflicts has been addressed as an object of development, and suggests that we, in addition to common sociological interpretations, may understand lynchings as an exclusive practice of communal sovereignty within a transnational political field of politics of in/security.  

scholarly journals Development a Measurement of Attitudes about Ideal Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
I.S. Prusova
Keyword(s):  
Convergent Validity ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Right Wing Authoritarianism ◽  
Political Orientations

Objective. Develop a questionnaire to measure attitudes about ideal government and analyze the psychometric properties of this tool. Background. Psychological studies showed the key role of political attitudes (conservatism/liberalism) in different forms of political activity. Conservatism-liberalism dichotomy did not correspond with actual political “agenda” in Russia that induced the question about the structure of political attitudes. Study design. To indicate the attitudes about ideal government, an online survey was conducted. The structure of political attitudes was analysed through confirmatory factor analysis, and analyses of reliability, validity, and invariance. Participants. The research consisted of 2 independent studies. About 610 participants took part at the study 1 (353 men and 257 women) over 18 years old (M=34.28; SD=13.82); and 378 participants (196 men and 182 women) over 18 years old (M=35.26; SD=10.54) at the study 2. Methods. Russian-language versions of the scales of Needs for cognitive clousure, Openness to experience (“Big Five”), Right-wing Authoritarianism, System Justification, and the author’s questionnaire of attitudes about an ideal government. Additionally, participants completed the self-categoriaiton scales about political orientations (“left-right”; “liberal-conservatives”). Results. The structure of attitudes about the ideal government consisted of “respect” and “support”. “Political respect” was correspondent to “liberal” and “left-wing” self-identification that indicated the criterion validity. At the same time, the analysis of convergent validity showed that “respect” and “support” were linked with right-wing authoritarianism and need for cognitive clousure. Conclusions. The structure of political attitudes in Russia consisted of “governmental support” and “political respect”. The current perspective discussed in the context of liberal/conservative political orientations.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Lacey
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Common Language ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Lingua Franca ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Eu

This introduction presents the central problematic of the book, justifies the comparative approach that is employed in later parts of the project, and outlines the main arguments developed throughout the work. The problematic is referred to as the lingua franca thesis on sustainable democratic systems (LFT), which predicts problems for democratic legitimacy and political identity formation for political communities that operate without a common language. As multilevel and multilingual political systems with claims to democratic legitimacy, Belgium and Switzerland are identified as two of the best available cases to test the validity of the LFT, with a view to informing the nature of and prospects for democratic legitimacy in the EU.

The History of the Transformation of Internet Activism in Belarus (on the Example of Political Protests of 2020—2021)

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Sergey Kozlov
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Autonomous Systems ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Online Technologies ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Internet Activism ◽  
Protest Activity

The article examines the problem of political participation in the digital environment on the example of protest activity observing in Belarus. It is shown that modern Internet technologies make it easy to combine new forms of civic activism with offline practices through social media and Telegram channels. It is argued that social networks and Internet activism in general indirectly form the political agenda and are significant factors in the creation of public reflection on political processes. New forms of civil interaction have appeared in digital reality, which were impossible without online technologies, and before the surge of protest activity in the post-Soviet space were considered insignificant quasi-political participation of the minority. Whole communicative autonomous systems created in social networks and messenger applications allow political activity bypassing traditional rules and frameworks, which, according to the author, is nothing more than a qualitative transformation and complication of political participation, both structurally and in scale. The Belarusian format of the protest showed that in the current conditions the success of a political campaign may not be due to clear coordination and competent management emanating from the core of protest. Analyzing political cases, it is concluded that modern protest practices, decentralized formed in the network, in an offline manifestation are very mobile and do not require significant expenditure of forces and resources. In conclusion, the author concludes that political participation in Belarus, conditioned by Internet resources and advanced technologies, from 2020 to 2021 acquired the features of a conventional active opposition political movement, although historically, political absenteeism prevailed in the country's civil society. Thus, the events in Belarus under consideration are unique and are a sign of more global modern transformations of politics.

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