Treatment and Rehabilitation of Delinquent Youth

Résumé LE TRAITEMENT ET LA REHABILITATION DU DELINQUANT : QUELQUES CONSIDERATIONS SOCIOCULTURELLES Ce rapport s'efforce d'etablir la relation entre certains facteurs socioculturels ( communautaires, institutionnels, « organisationnels », et individuels ) et le traitement ou la rehabilitation du jeune delinquant. Sur le plan communautaire, le choix de mecanismes formels d'intervention qui sont preferes, ou substitues, a des methodes informelles et non officielles, varie selon : 1 ) les perceptions qu'a la communaute de la delinquance et des jeunes delinquants; 2) le statut socio-economique qui prevaut chez les membres de la communaute; 3) le statut socio-economique et l'origine ethnique du jeune delinquant; 4) le degre de concordance entre 2) et 3). L'auteur suggere que les classes moyennes, meme lorsqu'elles adoptent le principe de l'individualisation de la justice et de la rehabilitation pour le juvenile et qu'elles acceptent une politique de reinsertion sociale pour les jeunes en difficulte et pour les delinquants de la classe moyenne, conservent des stereotypes si negatifs sur le style de vie des classes inferieures qu'il en resulte frequemment une attitude punitive plus forte a l'egard des delinquants de ces classes sociales. Il appert en outre que, dans le cas ou le systeme officiel d'intervention n'est pas compris par la communaute ou s'ecarte suffisamment du sentiment collectif, la communaute non seulement ne soutient pas son action mais va jusqu'a saper celle-ci. L'examen de la structure de fonctionnement des services institutionnels revele de plus un desequilibre entre les ressources sociales et les ressources psychiatriques. Dans les classes sociales inferieures, l'absence relative de programmes de prevention et de services non judiciaires est aggravee par le recours a des criteres selectifs d'admission, par les longues listes d'attente, et par l'absence de ressources therapeutiques appropriees dans les quelques services qui existent, ce qui amene l'utilisation excessive des mecanismes formels d'intervention avec les jeunes, qu'ils soient des delinquants endurcis ou des jeunes aux prises avec de serieux problemes d'adaptation. Le resultat a ete de faire de la cour juvenile un « depotoir » pour les adolescents a problemes, alors que ceux-ci devraient et pourraient etre pris en main plus efficacement par des services commmunautaires n'ayant pas de caractere judiciaire. A l'examen, il est evident que les principes d'organisation du systeme de justice juvenile et de mise en application des politiques dependent pour une large part : 1 ) de la philosophie et de l'orientation en ce qui concerne l'etiologie et la therapeutique de la delinquance juvenile; 2) de leur propre experience avec certains groupes de la population juvenile; 3) de la frequence et de l'intensite des contacts et des communications avec les autres agences dans le systeme; 4) des valeurs, de la formation, de l'experience personnelle et des perceptions individuelles, des attitudes et des autres biais des membres du personnel. Les ideologies et les objectifs contradictoires, les politiques inappropriees et les changements de procedure compromettent frequemment les objectifs theoriques du systeme de justice juvenile qui peuvent etre excellents, en les sacrifiant a des considerations d'efficacite et d'opportunisme. Le resultat est le refus quasi inevitable de dispenser des « soins appropries et un traitement regenerateur » aux jeunes delinquants, tels que stipules dans l'esprit et le texte de la loi. L'effort qui a ete fait pour identifier les elements importants (personnels, sociaux et culturels) sur lesquels reposent les decisions qui concernent l'intervention et le traitement revele : 1) l'absence de consensus sur les caracteristiques significatives qui differencient le delinquant endurci du delinquant primaire ou occasionnel; 2) l'incertitude par rapport a l'importance qui doit etre donnee lors de l'evaluation, a la presence ou a l'absence de certaines caracteristiques; 3) l'incoherence dans la relation entre ces caracteristiques et le choix du traitement. Les modeles d'action bases sur la tradition et sur l'intuition prennent le plus souvent le pas sur ceux qui sont bases sur des criteres scientifiques, si bien que la « maladie » est frequemment assimilee a criminalite ou mechancete. En somme, les jeunes de la classe inferieure ou les jeunes des groupes minoritaires sont le plus souvent desavantages a l'interieur de l'appareil judiciaire, en meme temps qu'est perpetue le mythe de l'individualisation du traitement. Etant donne ces faits, l'auteur souligne l'urgence de l'education des citoyens. Il importe de les amener a une conception plus eclairee du probleme de la delinquance ainsi qu'a une plus grande comprehension et connaissance des objectifs de la prevention et du controle social. La priorite doit etre donnee au support communautaire et a l'acquisition de la responsabilite. Pour ce faire, il faut developper un systeme plus etoffe et tres specifique qui permettrait de s'eloigner de la clinique traditionnelle et de l'approche psychogenetique de la delinquance. Une approche interdisciplinaire eclairee de l'etiologie et des solutions a apporter au comportement criminel s'impose. Un systeme doit etre developpe dans lequel seraient concilies sans compromis les objectifs de la punition, du controle de la prevention et de la rehabilitation; il servirait a affronter plus efficacement tous les problemes de la jeunesse qui necessitent notre attention. Indubitablement, l'efficacite d'un tel systeme est conditionnee par la philosophie qui l'inspire, par la politique et les procedures qui sont appliquees, par le personnel et par l'appui qu'il recoit de la communaute. Si le delinquant est au depart le produit d'un jugement social, le delinquant rehabilite doit aussi etre un produit de la communaute, donc d'un systeme capable de le servir et de l'aider a resoudre ses problemes. Il importe que chacun de nous puisse souscrire a la realisation de ce traitement individuel et puisse demander l'abandon des pratiques discriminatoires, et non scientifiques, auxquelles la societe fait frequemment appel. Enfin, le principe de l'equite doit remplacer le present systeme d'une justice de classe.

Le criminel et l’autre

THE CRIMINAL AND HIS RELATIONS WITH OTHERS : AN ANALYSIS OF INTERPERSONAL PROCESSESThis research is concerned with the problem of persistent criminal behaviour. An attempt is made to find its underlying causes and to identify characteristics which remain constant among all criminals. More specifically, these characteristics are looked for in the ways criminals communicate and interact with other people.The research uses the interpersonal conflict approach. A first hypothesis stipulates that the functions by which an individual relates to others are seriously damaged among criminals. Furthermore, the hypothesis of a precise genetic process involving the deterioration of the capacity to relate to others is formulated. A method of measurement is worked out and applied using the principles and the technique of Kelly's personal constructs theory.The study is a comparative one and is based on the differential approach. 214 subjects, of whom 121 are criminals and 93 well-adjusted, are tested. The measurement is aimed at the effectiveness of their perceptive reactions toward others. W^ith each group of criminals (recidivists, episodic criminals and juvenile delinquents), a control group is tested for purposes of comparison.The results are conclusive. At the root of persistent criminal behaviour, the presence of an incompatibility with others is confirmed. This manifests itself concretely in what is termed the feeling of interpersonal withdrawal. All the criminal groups tested show this feeling of withdrawal toward others. The nature and intensity of interpersonal failure is evaluated over three main areas of inter-action : relationship with others in general, relationship with the family of origin and relationship with antisocial peers.The study attempts to validate a new sociopathology characterizing individuals who have chosen to define themselves by continuous and serious « dissocialized » behaviour.

Synthèse des travaux

SYNTHESIS OF THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM FOR RESEARCH IN COMPARATIVE CRIMINOLOGY Introduction At the beginning of the development of the social sciences there was a considerable vogue for comparative research. A long period of empirical studies and almost total preoccupation with methodological problems followed. Once again, however, psychology, political science, sociology, and above all anthropology, have taken up the thread of this tradition, and the bibliography in these fields is becoming ever more abundant. The study of deviance, of various manifestations of criminality, and of social reaction against crime are, however, noticeably missing in the picture, even though there is nothing in the nature of criminology which precludes the development of comparative research. To many research workers in criminology, the time seemed ripe to take up the comparative tradition once again. Two imperatives were considered : the generalization of norms of deviance which are tied to the standard of living set by industrial civilization, thus putting the problem of criminality in a global light ; and, second, the development and standardization of methods of studying these phenomena, drawing on the experience of allied disciplines. The response of the participants in this Symposium and the results of their discussions were not unexpected. A consensus was arrived as to the problems it was thought important to study, and agreement was reached about the strategies of research to be undertaken. Priorities, however, were not established since too much depends on the availability of research teams, funds, etc. But the broad, overall look at the main problems in comparative criminology will, hopefully, open a new chapter in the history of crimino-logical research and in our continuing search for knowledge of man and society. The brief resume which follows should give the reader an idea of the extent of the problems tackled. The detailed proceedings of the Symposium will be published at a later date, in mimeographed form. Sectors of research proposed In a sense, this Symposium was prepared by all the participants. The organizers had requested that each person invited prepare a memorandum setting out the problems in comparative criminology which he considered to be most important. The compilation of their replies, reported to the plenary session at the opening of the Symposium, produced the following results : Summary of suggestions for research activities Note : In all that follows, it should be understood that all of these topics should be studied in a cross-cultural or international context. 1) Definitions and concepts : a) Social vs legal concept of deviance ; b) Distinction between political and criminal crimes ; c) The law : a moral imperative or a simple norm ; d) The concepts used in penal law : how adequate ? e.g. personality of criminal ; e) Who are the sinners in different cultures and at different times. 2) Procedures : a) Working concepts of criminal law and procedure ; b) Differentiating between factors relating to the liability-finding process and the sentencing process ; c) Behavioural manifestations of the administration of criminal justice ; d) Judicial decisions as related to the personality of the judges and of the accused ; e) Sentencing in the cross-national context (2 proposals) ; f) In developing countries, the gap between development of the legal apparatus and social behaviour ; g) Determination of liability ; h) The problem of definition and handling of dangerous offenders ; i) Decision-making by the sentencing judges, etc. (2 proposals) ; ;) Medical vs penal committals ; k) Law-enforcement, policing. 3) Personnel : a) Professionalization in career patterns ; b) Criteria for personnel selection ; c) Greater use of female personnel. 4) Causation. Situations related to criminality : a) How international relations and other external factors affect crime ; 6) Hierarchy of causes of crime ; c) Migrants. Minorities in general ; d) Relation to socio-economic development in different countries ; e) A biological approach to criminal subcultures, constitutional types, twin studies, etc. ; f) Cultural and social approach : norms of moral judgment, ideals presented to the young, etc. ; g) Effect of social change : crime in developing countries, etc. (6 proposals) ; h) Effects of mass media, rapid dissemination of patterns of deviant behaviour (2 proposals). 5) Varieties of crime and criminals : a) Traffic in drugs ; b) Prison riots ; c) Violence particularly in youth (7 proposals) ; d) Dangerousness ; e) Relation to the rights of man (including rights of deviants); f) Female crime (2 proposals) ; g) Prostitution ; i) The mentally ill offender ; ;) Cultural variations in types of crime ; k) Organized crime ; /) Use of firearms ; m) Gambling ; n) Victims and victimology. 6) Treatment : evaluation : a) Social re-adaptation of offenders ; b) Statistical research on corrections, with possible computerization of data ; c) Comparisons between prisons and other closed environments ; d) Extra-legal consequences of deprivation of liberty ; e) Rehabilitation in developing countries ; f ) Criteria for evaluation of programs of correction ; g) Biochemical treatment (2 proposals) ; i) Differential treatment of different types of offense. Evaluation ; /) Prisons as agencies of treatment ; k) Effects of different degrees of restriction of liberty ; /) Environments of correctional institutions ; m) Study of prison societies ; n) Crime as related to the total social system. 7) Research methodology : a) Publication of what is known regarding methodology ; b) Methods of research ; c) Culturally-comparable vs culturally-contrasting situations ; d) Development of a new clearer terminology to facilitate communication ; e) Actual social validity of the penal law. 8) Statistics : epidemiology : a) Need for comparable international statistics ; standardized criteria (3 proposals) ; b) Difficulties. Criminologists must collect the data themselves. 9) Training of research workers : Recruiting and training of « com-paratists ». 10) Machinery : Committee of co-ordination. Discussions The discussions at the Symposium were based on these suggestions, the main concentration falling on problems of manifestations of violence in the world today, the phenomenon of student contestation, and on human rights and the corresponding responsibilities attached thereto. Although the participants did not come to definite conclusions as to the respective merits of the problems submitted for consideration, they did discuss the conditions under which comparative studies of these problems should be approached, the techniques appropriate to obtaining valid results, and the limitations on this type or work. Four workshops were established and studied the various problems. The first tackled the problems of the definition of the criteria of « danger » represented by different type of criminals ; the problem of discovering whether the value system which underlies the Human Rights Declaration corresponds to the value system of today's youth; the problem of the treatment of criminals ; of female criminality ; and, finally, of violence in the form of individual and group manifestations. The second workshop devoted its main consideration to the revolt of youth and to organized crime, also proposing that an international instrument bank of documentation and information be established. The third workshop considered problems of theory : how the police and the public view the criminal ; the opportunity of making trans-cultural comparisons on such subjects as arrest, prison, etc. ; and the role of the media of information in the construction of value systems. The fourth workshop blazed a trail in the matter of methodology appropriate to research in comparative criminology. The period of discussions which followed the report of the four workshops gave rise to a confrontation between two schools of thought within the group of specialists. The question arose as to whether the problem of student contestation falls within the scope of the science of criminology. Several experts expressed the opinion that criminologists ought not to concern themselves with a question which really belongs in the realm of political science. On the other hand, the majority of the participants appeared to feel that the phenomenon of student contestation did indeed belong in the framework of criminological research. One of the experts in particular took it upon himself to be the spokesman of this school of thought. There are those, he said, who feel that criminology should confine itself and its research to known criminality, to hold-ups, rape, etc. However, one should not forget that penal law rests on political foundations, the legality of power, a certain moral consensus of the population. Today, it is exactly this « legitimate » authority that is being contested. Is it not to be expected, therefore, that criminology should show interest in all sociological phenomena which have legal and criminal implications ? Contestation and violence have consequences for the political foundations of penal law, and therefore are fit subjects for the research of the criminologist. International Centre {or Comparative Criminology The First International Symposium for Research in Comparative Criminology situated itself and its discussions within the framework and in the perspectives opened by the founding of the International Centre for Comparative Criminology. The Centre is sponsored jointly by the University of Montreal and the International Society for Criminology, with headquarters at the University of Montreal. As one of the participants emphasized, criminologists need a place to retreat from the daily struggle, to meditate, to seek out and propose instruments of research valid for the study of problems common to several societies. Viewing the facts as scientists, we are looking for operational concepts. Theoreticians and research workers will rough out the material and, hopefully, this will inspire conferences and symposiums of practitioners, jurists, sociologists, penologists, and other specialists. Above all, it will give common access to international experience, something which is lacking at present both at the level of documentation and of action. A bank of instruments of method- ology in the field of comparative criminology does not exist at the present time. The Centre will undertake to compile and analyse research methods used in scientific surveys, and it will establish such an instrument bank. It will also gather and analyse information pertaining to legislative reforms now in progress or being contemplated in the field of criminal justice. Through the use of computers, the Centre will be able to put these two projects into effect and make the results easily accessible to research workers, and to all those concerned in this field. The participants at the Symposium were given a view of the extent of the problems envisaged for research by the future Centre. It is hoped that this initiative will be of concrete use to research workers, private organizations, public services and governments at many levels, and in many countries.

Deux modalités de la peine et leurs effets sur le criminel

TWO TYPES OF PUNISHMENTAND THEIR EFFECT ON THE CRIMINALThe examination of the immediate, spontaneous social reaction of groups towards deviants makes it possible to distinguish two very different types of punishment : corrective and stigmatizing. Corrective punishment is a measure intended to change the behaviour of a delinquent and to maintain him within the group. Stigmatizing punishment consists of attaching a dishonourable label to the delinquent and rejecting him from the group to which he belongs. When a person who is receptive to the influence of his group undergoes corrective punishment, his most probable reaction will be to conform to the expectations of his group. But if he is subjected to stigmatizing punishment, there is a possibility that he will interiorize the criminal identity attributed to him. He will then enter into conflict with the group and with others, and will tend to become integrated into a criminal group and become a recidivist criminal.A study of recidivism, conducted on the basis of concepts of correction and stigmatization, makes it possible to formulate the following two propositions : 1) an individual who is easily influenced by his group will have a greater tendency to recidivate if, over a substantial period of time, the predominant reaction to his offenses is one of stigmatization. He will have less of a tendency to recidivate if the predominant reaction to his offenses is corrective ; 2) penal measures influence recidivism, not directly, but through the agency of the immediate social reaction. The penal measures start a process of stigmatization from the outset, which has an effect on the probability of recidivism.The concepts of correction and stigmatization are also useful in the study of the evolution of penal measures. They make two other propositions possible : 3) the more complex societies become, the less the State tends to resort to stigmatizing punishment and the more it resorts to corrective punishment ; 4) imprisonment is a punishment which was developed during a period of transition during which stigmatizing punishment was losing out in favour of corrective punishment. It is a mixed measure which attempts to reach a compromise between stigmatization and correction. Because it contains elements that are incompatible, the prison will eventually fall into disuse.At the level of action, the distinction between corrective punishment makes it possible to resolve seemingly insurmountable difficulties within the framework of the present ideology of treatment. It leads to the recognition of this basic fact, that all social reaction to an act that is disapproved of is a punishment, and care must be taken to safeguard the rights of thedelinquent, even when we claim to be treating him. Furthermore, this concept leads to the admission that all punishment is liable to contain elements of stigmatization. Only measures that are strictly necessary should therefore be applied to the delinquent, for fear of releasing, in an excess of zeal, a process of stigmatization that will only accentuate the delinquent's anti-social tendencies.

La transe vaudouesque : un syndrome de déviance psycho-culturelle

SPIRIT POSSESSION: A PSYCHO-CULTURAL SYNDROME OF DEVIANT BEHAVIOUR The Voodoo trance represents the principal aspect of deviant behaviour among coloured people. This tricky phenomenon, always considered a challenge to any scientific explanation, was subjected to an experimental analysis. We wanted to find out what the trance performers have in common and to check whether a typical psychological structure could be associated with their deviant behaviour. The sample included forty-four subjects divided into three categories: a) a ritual group, b) a non-ritual group, c) a control group. No male subject was used because very few men are ever possessed by spirits. Every subject was submitted to a preliminary medical check-up (physical, neurological and laboratory tests), and to a series of psychological examinations (Raven, Goldstein-Scheerer, Sacks, Rorschach, autobiographical and personality questionnaires). The findings of the neurologist, the pathologist and the laboratory were completely negative as far as somatic predisposition to trance was concerned. But evidence of significant differences between the experimental and the control groups was demonstrated on the basis of personality tests and autobiographical questionnaires. Spirit possession, to be induced, requires not only specific conditioning experiences, but also a disturbed, anxious and depressed personality. The non-ritual form does not imply a higher degree of pathology. An intimate relationship between possession, states of depression and suicide has been indicated. The trance seems to be the only alternative for the neutralization of hostile feelings, either directed to the self or to others. The inhibitory effect of possession could finally prove to be a factor in reducing criminality in Haiti.

Self-Image and Delinquency

RésuméIMAGE DE SOI ET CRIMINALITECet article represente la seconde partie d'une etude en deux tranches du phenomene de la delinquance et de la criminalite feminines au Canada, aux Etats-Unis, en France et en Belgique, intitulee: Self-Image and Social Representations of Female Offenders, du meme auteur.La premiere partie s'attache a la valeur de « representation sociale » de la criminalite. On y etudie le volume relatif de la criminalite des femmes, la nature specifique des delits et crimes qu'elles commettent et pour lesquels elles sont arretees et inculpees, le traitement qu'on leur fait subir, compare aux dispositions prises a l'endroit des criminels de sexe masculin trouves coupablesdes memes mefaits, les dispositions particulieres des codes criminels qui, en plusieurs cas, prevoient des delits limites aux femmes mais aussi les excluent comme auteurs possibles de plusieurs crimes. Ce sont la des indices des roles assignes aux femmes dans une societe donnee.Les representations sociales ainsi analysees nous ont suggere que non seulement les lois et les sanctions prevues, mais aussi le choix des penalites imposees au moment du prononce de la sentence offrent la meilleure explication de ce taux comparativement tres bas et relativement constant de la criminalite feminine a travers le monde. Ces representations sociales sont des renforcements de roles precedemment prescrits a la femme. Ainsi, la theorie du role (role theory) nous semble la meilleure base d'explication de cet ecart entre la criminalite masculine et la criminalite feminine.La seconde partie, dont le present article est tire, resume une recherche empirique qui a dure pres d'une annee (aout 1966, juin 1967).InstrumentPour mesurer la perception de soi, nous avons utilise un questionnaire bref et direct compose essentiellement de quatre parties. La premiere partie fait appel, chez le repondant, a des donnees conscientes, en l'amenant a decrire la decision la plus importante qu'il juge avoir prise au cours des quelques dernieres annees et les motifs qui ont inspire cette decision. La deuxieme et la troisieme parties referent a du materiel psychologique (intra-psychique) preconscient ou inconscient, par mode de projection, c'est-a-dire que le repondant choisit de nommer les « grandes figures » de bienfaiteur (personnel ou non personnel) et de malfaiteur, resume les «grands gestes» qu'il leur attribue et donne sa perception de leur motivation. La derniere partie est constituee par une fiche bio-socio-psycho-educationnelle ou petite histoire de cas en resume.Rationnel de l'instrument: cet instrument d'analyse est base sur une polarite bien decrite dans l'oeuvre du psychologue et psychanalyste Erikson (1964). Il s'agit d'un continuum allant de la notion d'agent a celle de patient: « agens vs patiens ». Cette polarite est reprise dans les travaux de R.R. Korn (1966) dans les termes suivants: «agent-acteur vs object-spectateur ».Quelle est la signification precise des categories ainsi nommees ? XJagent est, pour Erikson et pour Korn, celui qui se percoit comme capable d influencer le monde, les evenements, les personnes. Il a une prise sur sa vie. Il ne se sent pas « brise » dans ses elans (« unbroken in initiative »). L'objet est celui a qui les choses arrivent («to whom things happen»), celui qui se sent pousse par des forces, internes ou externes, a poser des gestes qui lui paraissent inevitables.Hypotheses: nous avons choisi cet instrument a cause de nos deux grandes hypotheses de depart, l'une etant la condition sociale faite a la femme dans les societes dominees par l'homme (condition d'instrument, d'objet), l'autre etant la position sociale de la femme criminelle et de la jeune fille delinquante dans les societes structurees, position determinee par les codes penaux et par l'organisation repressive, mais aussi par la culture qui privilegie certaines valeurs et fait de la femme leur gardienne (position d'instrument mais aussi de victime). La condition sociale de la femme normale et la position sociale de la femme criminelle sont des « miroirs » (« looking-glass self »), selon la theorie de G.H. Mead, « miroirs » dans lesquels la femme normale et la delinquante trouvent une image d'elles-memes.ResultatsNos resultats peuvent se resumer comme suit: Premiere hypothese: « Les femmes adultes normales d'une societe donnee se percoivent moins que les hommes de la meme couche socio-economique et du meme groupe d'age, comme des agents. » Cette hypothese ne s'est pas verifiee en ce qui touche les Canadiennes francaises. La difference entre hommes et femmes n'est pas significative dans ce groupe. Notre hypothese s'est verifiee chez les Canadiens anglais mais a un niveau de signification peu eleve (x2:0.20). Seconde hypothese: «Les femmes adultes criminelles se percoivent plus comme desobjets et des victimes que les non criminelles d'une part et que les hommes criminels d'autre part. » Cette hypothese s'est verifiee statistiquement et la difference est tres significative dans le premier cas (0.01) et un peu moins dans le second (0.10).Il ressort que si la femme non delinquante, suivant le test « agent-objet », ne se percoit pas de facon sensiblement differente de l'homme non delinquant, par contre la femme criminelle, elle, se percoit nettement comme un objet-spectateur, comme une victime, plus que l'homme criminel et beaucoup plus que la femme non delinquante.

L’indemnisation des victimes d’actes criminels

COMPENSATION TO VICTIMS OF CRIMINAL OFFENCES The system of composition, which was developed during the Middle Ages, especially under Germanic penal law, represents not only an abatement of the system of collective vengeance characteristic of this era, but also the first step towards the principle of compensation to victims of criminal offences. With the development and consolidation of a strong central power, the State asked for a share of these transactions either in the form of sanction or as a price for its intervention. W^hen at last the central government obtained the full and exclusive right to inflict punishment and when private justice gave way to public justice, the State's share of compensation increased progressively and took the form of fines, while the victim's share gradually diminished and withdrew little by little from the penal system to become civil compensation for damages. Nevertheless, the total separation between public action, whose aim is to ensure punishment, and civil action, whose main object is to secure compensation to the victim, did not materialize until very recently. This principle of total separation, which was adopted by the classical school of criminal law, resulted in a complete overlooking of the victim's right to compensation, in daily legal practice. New solutions were therefore proposed to remedy this deficiency in the penal systems, the most original and daring being those to be found in the Spanish Penal Codes of 1822 and 1848 which compel the State to compensate victims of criminal offences when the wrong-doers or other responsible persons are unable to do so. This idea of compensation by the State to victims of crime, although taken lip and elaborated several years later by Bentham and the Italian Positivist School, had absolutely no repercussions as far as practice was concerned. It was only in the second half of the XXth Century that an Englishwoman, Margaret Fry, drew the attention to this problem. Inspired by her compatriot Bentham, Margaret Fry proclaimed that compensation for harm caused to victims of criminal violence should be assumed by the State. This was the starting point of a considerable development in the study of compensation to the victim. During the last ten years, not only were many papers and conferences devoted to the subject, but also many legislations adopted the progressive solution of conferring upon the State the task of compensating the victim of criminal offences. In most contemporary penal legislations, the dissociation between public and civil action has resulted in relegating the subject of compensation solely to the civil domain. A certain number of penal systems (France, Belgium, Germany, etc.), while accepting in principle the civil character of this matter, nevertheless offer the injured party the possibility of bringing his action for damages before criminal courts. A last group of systems (Spain, Italy, Switzerland) treat this problem within the framework of the criminal code, although in most cases they do nothing but repeat analogous paragraphs of the civil code. Upon examining these different methods of coping with the problem of compensating the victim for damages caused by criminal violence, we find that certain reforms were put into effect but that they chiefly hinge upon one preliminary question ~— the means available to the victim for bringing his case before the criminal courts and of engaging in the criminal procedure, to obtain recognition of his rights by the Court. However, it often happens that once the sentence has been passed, the victim is obliged to act on his own to recover the sum of the indemnity. Modern penal law, progressive and innovating as it is in certain respects, often neglects the victim of crime. Certain solutions were proposed and even introduced into positive penal legislations, in view of securing for the injured party, as much as possible, the recovery of the compensation decided upon by the courts in his favour, especially in cases where the offender is destitute. Among such solutions, one should stress legal solidarity between co-delinquents, priority accorded to the compensation debt, accessory imprisonment, compulsory work in prison and in liberty, compulsory insurance and the creation of a compensation fund. Similar proposals tend to consider compensation to the victim as an indispensable condition for the obtainment of certain privileges (pardon, parole, probation, legal rehabilitation, etc.). Due to the insufficiency of the classical systems and of the solutions destinated to secure compensation of the victim by the offender, one again began to wonder whether the State should not undertake the charge of repairing damages caused by crime. The main argument offered in favour of this system is the State's failure in preventing crime and in protecting its citiiens against felonious acts. Despite the numerous criticisms concerning the essentially judicial composition of the courts in charge of the application of the system as well as of the procedure to be followed, the infractions to be compensated, the amount to be paid and the total cost of the system, some countries have recognized the right of the victim to be compensated and consequently adopted measures to enforce this principle (New Zealand, 1963; Great Britain, 1964; States of California and New York, 1966; the Canadian province of Saskatchewan, 1967).

La dimension cachée

«THE HIDDEN DIMENSION : THE CIRCULAR INDEX» AN INTRODUCTION TO RE-EDUCATION PROGRAMS WITHIN THE COMMUNITY It was in seeking to define and operationalize the prevention of juvenile delinquency that we discovered the circular index. First we will describe the method we followed in a clinical experiment and study on the marginal adolescent as he interacts with his school environment. Then we discuss our new understanding. Instead of seeing the social reality piecemeal, we saw it as a whole. There always seems to be a greater and greater distance between the evaluation in the form of detection, psycho-social and criminological evaluation and the supportive programs we are trying to elaborate and apply for reeducation within the community. The nosographic school is represented by the work of Hochman (1971). He asks whether this school has not reached its limits; he doubts its descriptive and prescriptive value. Nonetheless, we ask him to give us time, for to answer categorically in the affirmative can have grave consequences for a country or a province. While agreeing that our clinical and research theory belongs to a part of the nosographical school, it is not so much its descriptive and prescriptive value that is in question as the relationship between the two entities. This is why we are making a brief inventory of the outside restraints on our own clinical thinking. Among these, there is the lack of time available to the practitioner, his lack of resources, his inability to refer to the past, the difficulty of sharing his experience with that of others in a scientific manner, the mobility and uncertainty of the practitioner, etc. Second, we raise a number of restraints which are part of the clinical thinking of the practitioner. Two general types of restraints are described. The first refers to the different theoretical frames of reference of the practitioner, the second particularly concerns his work methods. Third, we place the linear index against the circular index. The linear index is defined as any evidence by which the first characteristic questions the individual's relations with abstract entities. The circular index is defined as any evidence attributed to an individual in relation to systems and groups. As to the systematizing of the circular index, we will have to wait another few months. Nevertheless, an example of the circular index is given through the study of a negative gang in the neighbourhood. The last part of the article deals with palliatives that can be used to reduce internal and external restraints on the clinical thinking and can but encourage this dialectic between the descriptive and prescriptive elements of the nosographic school. Among these palliatives, there is an urgent need to make an inventory of circular indices, to put them in order and to find the best methods to obtain them. In addition, a clinical table_mjist be constructed connecting the different resource items the practitioner needs to apply various supportive programs within the community once the accent is placed on rehabilitation, socialization and or the clinical prevention of the behaviour, and or the structure of the marginal personality. As a last palliative, we describe a way in which we give the client the evaluation we have made of him, explaining to him his behavioural and psychodynamic profile. For us, the aim of this last palliative is not only to evince greater respect for the client, but also to recognize his potential participation in his own program of treatment.

The Measurement of Movements on the Conformity-Deviance Continuum as an Auxiliary Tool for Action-Research

Résumé MESURE DES TENDANCES SUR L'ECHELLE « CONFORMITE-DEVIANCE » : INSTRUMENT DE RECHERCHE ACTIVE But de l'etude. Cette recherche entreprise par le ministere de l'Education dans certains bas-quartiers d'Israel a pour origine la theorie sociologique selon laquelle la deviance et la delinquance sont associees aux conflits de l'enfant qui appartient a des groupes divers. Le traitement vise a arreter ces pressions diverses en utilisant l'appartenance de l'enfant au groupe comme agent de traitement, et c'est pourquoi les travailleurs sociaux ont du s'integrer au groupe pour tenter de changer son systeme normatif. Ce rapport traite des problemes d'evaluation et de mesure objective des resultats obtenus par les efforts de correction et de prevention des travailleurs sociaux. Apercu theorique sur un schema pour l'etude de la delinquance en Israel. Dans un pays ou l'on denombre plus de 70 groupes ethniques, les conflits de normes peuvent etre hautement significatifs pour expliquer la genese du crime et de la delinquance. Ce probleme majeur de conflit de culture qui nait avec la deuxieme generation n'est cependant qu'un facteur predisposant dans un ensemble plus vaste. Le schema propose synchronise deux types d'explications causales : une configuration de facteurs predisposants ; une chaine de pressions dynamiques qui conduisent un individu donne a s'associer a des groupes criminels et a adopter leur type de conduite. Schema des {acteurs sociaux de conduite criminelle applique hypothe-tiquement a l'etiologie du crime et de la delinquance en Israel. Pour l'ensemble predisposant sont envisages les points suivants : cellule familiale ; facteurs ecologiques ; facteurs economiques ; conflit de culture. Le processus dynamique d'association considere les points suivants : solutions delinquantes de situations conflictuelles ; identification differentielle ; stigmate social ; sous-culture criminelle. Methode. Deux groupes ont ete choisis pour definir empiriquement le continuum mesure. Apres interview, les deux groupes ont ete compares en utilisant le test Mann-Whitney et le test x2. Les principaux points de distinction entre groupe delinquant et groupe non delinquant ont ensuite ete analyses afin d'etablir leur contribution relative. Questionnaire. Dans une premiere partie, le questionnaire comprend differentes questions concernant le passe socio-economique de l'enfant et de sa famille. La deuxieme partie est un ensemble d'inventaires eprouves anterieurement. La troisieme partie groupe les points concernant la conscience qu'ont les jeunes de la structure differentielle et du processus de stigmatisation. Resultats. On a tente de maintenir stables les variables des facteurs demographiques. L'anomie a ete consideree comme facteur predisposant. Apres verification, il ne semble pas que l'anomie soit un facteur significatif de la delinquance. Les differents points des inventaires qui differencient veritablement les delinquants des non-delinquants ont ensuite ete analyses et les plus significatifs sont indiques dans chaque inventaire. Identification dynamique et processus d'association. Les principes d'association differentielle ont ete largement verifies par cette etude et formules sous forme de probabilite. Cette etude a aussi verifie la theorie de la desorganisation familiale et du conflit de culture lie a l'immigration familiale. Le concept de norme viciee conduisant a une socialisation precoce est crucial pour le concept global de la delinquance.

Vers une nouvelle conception des valeurs

TOWARD A NEW CONCEPT OF VALUES : PSYCHOLOGY'S CONTRIBUTION TO VALUE CONCEPTS IN CRIMINOLOGYThe present article introduces a new style of presentation to our review. It was not written by a team, but is the beginning of a dialogue between authors. Part Three by Christian Debuyst is a commentary on the first two sections written by Francyne Goyer-Michaud, which bear on values in psychology and on the elaboration of a new concept of values and its application to juvenile delinquency.Using the guiding theory developed by Spranger and Allport, in which values are defined as the motivations which predispose behaviour, a new concept of values is established — « motivational » values. There would be intermediary values between the individual and the world of values to which he adheres which induce both his values and his non-values, and which receive their power to do so from one of the well-known motivations — anxiety. It became possible, then, to attach to motivating values a typology based on anxiety. In this way, we infer that there are four types of motivating values resulting from anxiety : hedonistic anxiety where behaviour is guided by both the search for pleasure and escape from unpleasantness ; other-directed anxiety which is the fear of losing the love of one's peers ; authority-oriented anxiety, which is fear of the disapproval of authority figures ; and last, integral anxiety, where one fears a lowering of self-esteem. A study of the characteristics of young delinquents made it possible to establish the hypothesis that, in comparison with their socially integrated peers, they were more susceptible than the latter to the first two types of anxiety, and less susceptible to the other two.Along with the formulation of this new concept, the various methods used in measuring the values were studied to select the one that seemed the most suitable for the problem in question.Christian Debuyst bases his critical view of the study of values on four questions that came to mind after reading the text of Francyne Goyer-Michaud. The first concerns the concept of values itself. He believes a differentiation must be made between functional values and true values, and that the motivational values developed by Francyne Goyer-Michaud apply only to the first. He next reflects on anxiety as a source of values, advancing the theory that fear constitutes the motivation of a rather elementary morality which, though it never completely disappears, must eventually be replaced by a higher morality where others are seen as a value.After thinking about the concepts of personality which underly the type of adherence to values, he recognizes two presuppositions in the theory of the personality serving as the basis for the idea of values proposed by Francyne Goyer-Michaud : psychic economy leading to a reduction of tension, a completely Freudian concept, and a very sociological definition of the socialization process. What we have learned from the study of animal psychology, however, leads him to believe that everything cannot be explained by the search to reduce tension. We must therefore reach a theory of personality in which the attitude which an individual adopts towards a valued object is not dictated by the group nor by its sanction, but derives directly from the link that is established with the object he perceives to be a value.Finally, discussing the importance of this in its relation to criminology, he arrives at the three following conclusions : 1) the delinquent act cannot be looked upon as solely the breaking of a rule, but as the realization of a value — in this case the group, which is very demanding and requires submission. 2) Most of the time, delinquents show deficientattachment to values and that attachment is merely functional. 3) At the treatment level, in order to have delinquents adhere to true values, we must give them access to experiences that are significant and motivating.