scholarly journals Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Lebanese Citizens Abroad

Author(s):  
Paul Tabar ◽  
Andrew Denison

AbstractLebanon has experienced waves of emigration which has resulted in a substantial diaspora population. Economic difficulties at home and prospects for opportunity abroad, coupled with domestic or international conflict, have been the primary drivers of emigration. Lebanese authorities have established a number of diaspora institutions which have sought to engage with the diaspora primarily in economic terms. Principally, encouraging investment, trade and boosting tourism have been staples of diaspora engagement from the government. As Lebanon continues to move from crisis to crisis, key social protection areas (i.e. unemployment, health care, pensions, etc.) struggle to cover many Lebanese at home and are almost entirely absent for nationals abroad. It is often the economic remittances from the Lebanese diaspora which have provided a layer of social protection for many citizens in Lebanon. Furthermore, 2018 saw Lebanon’s first parliamentary election with the right of the Lebanese diaspora to vote in absentia. This will undoubtedly shift how the Lebanese government and the diaspora will interact and engage with each other in the future.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 1289-1316
Author(s):  
Heidi Rhodes ◽  

This paper attends to differing praxes of futurity circulating in Colombia, both in dominant and subaltern forms. It first considers temporality as an apparatus of governmentality, raison d’état, and settler colonial logics of violence deployed in the service of late liberalism, capitalist endeavor, and the so-called “peace dividend.” In contrast, it elaborates two distinct rights claims that counter official state claims on the future: the principle of the right to a distinct vision of the future in Colombia’s black Pacific social movement; and the legal claim of the right of future generations in a historic 2018 lawsuit brought against the government by several youth from diverse regions across the country. These claims pose what I name as a “chrono-logics” otherwise – temporal alterities that refuse the logics of settler colonial temporality and insist on an ecology of relations that pursue the survival and flourishing of diverse lifeworlds and futures. Este artículo se ocupa de diferentes praxis de futuridad que circulan en Colombia, tanto en formas dominantes como subalternas. En primer lugar, toma en consideración la temporalidad como un aparato de la gubernamentalidad, la razón de Estado, y las lógicas de violencia del colonialismo que se despliegan al servicio del liberalismo tardío, el empeño capitalista y el así denominado “dividendo de la paz”. Elaboramos dos reivindicaciones de derechos que contradicen las proclamas estatales oficiales sobre el futuro: el principio del derecho a una visión distinta del futuro en el movimiento social negro pacífico de Colombia; y la pretensión jurídica del derecho de las generaciones venideras en una demanda judicial histórica de 2018 que interpusieron jóvenes de diversas regiones del país contra el gobierno. Estas reivindicaciones plantean lo que denomino una “crono-logía” de otra manera – alteridades temporales que rechazan la lógica de la temporalidad colonialista y que insisten en una ecología de relaciones que persiguen la supervivencia y el florecimiento de diversos mundos y futuros.


2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-700
Author(s):  
Marie-Armelle Souriac

The right to strike has been recognised in France, even as a right guaranteed by the Constitution, since 1946. Strikes in the public sector are subject to specific legal regulation, including requirements for minimum notice periods and, in some circumstances, minimum service requirements. This contribution examines these special legal features of public-sector strikes. It is necessary to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities of the management of public enterprises (or administrative authorities) and the government. The article also considers alternative (and new) forms of collective action and agreements. In the future there may well be even greater scope for the regulation of strikes to be covered by collective bargaining.


Author(s):  
Fahim Aslam

COVID-19 has been a major issue in most countries throughout the world with 213 countries being affected till date due to the disease. The pandemic has raised concerns over the healthcare facilities available in various countries and question the government decisions made during this period of outbreak. Despite having the best healthcare facilities several countries across Europe and America have found it difficult to contain the disease outbreak questioning the available solutions to contain an area. This paper focuses on presenting information on solutions available to control outbreaks in order to prevent another pandemic occurring in the future. The paper also highlights the strategies and plans implemented by various governments who have been successful in combatting the disease with minimum damage. By using available resources such as technology, scientific innovation and digitalized healthcare this paper focuses on providing solutions which are already available to be utilized in the right manner.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 267
Author(s):  
Darmin Tuwu

This paper aims to elaborate on how government policies prevent and deal with COVID-19. The method used is a qualitative method with a case study approach. The focus of the study is government policies and events that follow the implementation of the policy period from March to June 2020 related to government policies in the prevention and treatment of COVID-19. The study results show that government policies to prevent the spread of Coronavirus transmission such as the policy of staying at home; Social distancing; Physical Restrictions; Use of Personal Protective Equipment; Maintain Personal Hygiene; Work and Study at home; Postpone all activities that gather a lot of people; Large-scale social restrictions; until the implementation of the New Normal policy. In addition, the government has also implemented social assistance and social protection policies to ensure that the community can survive, not only the Social Welfare Services Government group but also the high-class community.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 8785-8791

The presence of the digital industry is driving changes in the modes of public transportation from conventional to modern using online applications. The positive impact of the presence of the digital industry especially on line transportation for the community is the existence of new jobs and sources of income. But on the other hand, the presence of on line transportation also presents various problems. This study uses mixed methods with a qualitative main approach and supported by a quantitative approach. The results show that there are problems in social welfare and social protection for two-wheeled online transportation riders which caused by a legal vacuum in the status of the partnership pattern. Therefore, the researcher proposes a partnership agreement model involving the government as the party that has the right to determine the regulation, and in the agreement process requires a bargaining process so that the welfare of two-wheeled online transportation riders as informal sector workers can be fulfilled


Author(s):  
Etienne Smith

AbstractThis chapter presents the main areas of engagement of the state of Senegal with its diaspora. In the first part, it looks at the main institutions and policies geared towards the diaspora. In the second part, the chapter focuses specifically on diaspora policies in the area of social protection (unemployment, health care, family benefits, pensions, guaranteed minimum resources). If Senegal falls in the category of pioneer countries for some aspects of emigration policies (ministerial institutions, external voting, political representation), its policy for the diaspora in the field of social protection is rather scanty. As a developing country facing many structural economic issues, scaling up social protection in the homeland remains the top priority for the Government, relegating social protection for the diaspora as a secondary policy concern for now. Recent governmental policies towards the diaspora have focused primarily on tapping the resources of the diaspora in order to increase its contribution to economic development and facilitate productive investment by Senegalese abroad in their home country.


Subject The future of dollarisation in a context of low oil prices. Significance Oil revenues have underpinned the popularity of President Rafael Correa's government by enabling spending on welfare, infrastructure and development that has boosted economic growth. The collapse of world oil prices has placed the dollar-denominated economy under severe strain and raised doubts about the future of dollarisation in Ecuador. Impacts The fiscal challenges the government is facing will provide the opposition with an opportunity to strengthen in 2015. The right will play on concerns over the management of the economy, the scale of public debt and the size of the state. The left will attack the government for failing to reduce Ecuador's reliance on oil and undertake wider and deeper reforms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric King-man Chong

Hong Kong society became the site of active self-mobilization when there was a virus outbreak in early 2020. Hong Kong residents quickly adopted voluntary protective measures such as minimizing social contacts and buying personal protective equipment. After the presence of a new Coronavirus was confirmed, medical and health care workers went on strike in early February, clamouring for the Hong Kong SAR government to close border crossings with China. They feared the medical and health care system would not be able to bear the rising numbers of infection. The government responded with a pronouncement that the strike was endangering lives, and that a complete closure of border checkpoints was unfeasible. Generally, Hong Kong residents exercised self-protection and self-restraint, voluntarily choosing to stay home except to go to work or buy daily necessities. As a result, Hong Kong did not adopt a citywide lockdown. More people began to leave their homes when infection rates slowed, but this led to further waves of infection. The Hong Kong experience raises a number of questions about society that are relevant to education and citizenship. What are individuals’ responsibilities during a pandemic? Does a state of pandemic make it acceptable to limit freedom of movement and freedom of expression, and if so, how can this principle be applied in relation to the right to strike for the purpose of compelling the government to take stronger public health measures? Specific to education, how can young people be taught to follow safety advice amid the temptation to go outdoors for exercise under restrictive measures? There is a need for engaging students in social compassion and dialogues to face a persistent pandemic.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-377
Author(s):  
Gerrit Van De Put

It often appears that leading politicians in Belgium consider the results of the municipal elections in the light of national polities. They stick to the thesis that the municipal poll-results, at least in the bigger towns, are more and more influenced by the constellation of the nation's politics.Is it really so that the municipal elections indicate the hearings of the national political situation ? Can one draw conclusions from the results of these elections as if they were national ones ? And can one,any how, compare municipal to parliamentary elections ?  By comparison of the results of municipal elections 1964 and of parliamentary elections 1965 it was checked which shifts in party-choice havehappened during this short period of eight months. If no oscillations, or only a few, were detected between both elections, one could conclude that the municipal elections 1964 indicated indeed the hearings of the parliamentary elections 1965.Successively, the national and provincial results of these elections were compared and the party-shifts on national and provincial level were calculated.To make a relevant comparison between the election-results on a lower level, a comparable basic unity had to be found. As there were no municipal data available at parliamentary elections on one side, andonly municipal results at the municipal elections on the other side, the least possible unity for which parliamentary election-results are known, the electoral canton namely, was chosen as a comparison-basis. For that purpose however the results per party had to be additioned in all municipalities belonging to one canton.Part of the electoral cantons was unfit for use as comparison-material for two reasons : the highly varied and often strongly local-coloured political party-structure on one hand, the big number of municipalitieswithout elections on the other hand. So we were bound to make a choice out of 212 electoral cantons. Finally the cantons with a maximum of 4 municipalities were chosen, which limited the number of cantons to 28. These cantons were classified by degree of urbanisation according to the typology of W. Van Waelvelde and H. Van der Haegen.In that classification the percentages of votes in favour of the political parties, at the occasion of these elections, were tabulated and compared.The participating parties and lists were grouped as much as possible around the traditional parties to which they were most related. So we distinguish in Flanders : CVP, BSP, PVV, VU, CPB and other parties ;in the Walloon region: PSC, PSB, PLP PCB, French-speaking lists and other parties.For this analysis we also thought it was relevant to control separately the shifts of the electoral corps in the Flemish, the Walloon and the Brussels cantons. These shifts were then specified according to thedegree of urbanisation.To measure the size of the party-shifts for these elections, the external election-shift standard was calculated for the chosen Flemish, Walloon and Brussels cantons, with a special attention for the degree of urbanisation. Finally we examined which attitude was assumed by the government, the governmental and the opposition parties, in relation to the results of the municipal 1964 elections.It appeared that some notable party-shifts had been realized during the short period between the municipal elections of 1964 and the legislative elections of 1965. In general, a certain polarization has taken place due to a centrifugal vote-shift to the left and still more to the right. The direction of vote-shifts, which had shown at the municipal elections of 1964, was affirmed at the legislative elections of 1965 and for some parties, CVP and PVV namely, it was even accentuated. The parallelism between both elections in relation to the direction of the vote-shifts did not mean however that the size of these shifts was the same everywhere. The image of the shifts was different according to linguistic region and degree of urbanisation.The analysis of the urbanisation-degree showed that the level of oscillations grew higher as the urbanisation-degree grew lower. Seen per linguistic region, the largest shifts had taken place in the Walloon cantons.  According to the calculations of the electoral shift standards during the period 1964-1965, the lowest oscillations were noted in the Flemish and Brussels cantons, i.e. the voting-behaviour of the big agglomerations during the municipal elections of 1964 were the closest to the national electoral pattern. Seen that way they were, up to a certain degree, a value-measure for the general policy.Finally the remark should be made that the limitation to the two above-mentioned elections does not allow any generalization of the obtained conclusions. The short period between those elections was itself an exceptional situation which may have been of influence on the results of the comparisons.


2020 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Taufiq Gutawa

Public sector growth refers to the growth and development in the government-controlled departments and establishments. The industries and different sectors of a country that come under the influence of government come under public sector. E-government is actually the employment of innovative techniques and practices while performing several operations for the facilitation of citizens by the government. The core motive of using e-government practices to ensure the efficiency and effectiveness of those operations that are being performed for the public. Democracy refers to the right of citizens of a particular country in order to choose the leaders or government of their own choice based on the decision of majority. This study investigates promoting public sector growth through E-government adoption and democracy in ASEAN countries. Transparency rate and population factor are two important control variables which are induced in this research study. In the literature review section, previous related research studies have been indicated. The time-series data has been collected about concerned variables regarding ASEAN countries. The analyses portion includes unit root IPS, Pedroni cointegration and FMOLS regression and concluded that the hypotheses proposed by the researcher are accepted along with some share of impact of control variables. The researcher concluded that E-government and democracy positively impact public sector growth of ASEAN countries. At the last of this study, implications, limitations and future recommendations are also present. The implications include various theoretical, practical and policy making contexts. The future recommendations can be used by the future researchers so that they can increase the scope of their researches.


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