scholarly journals Monetary Stability and the Stability of the Open Society

Author(s):  
Carl Christian von Weizsäcker ◽  
Hagen M. Krämer

AbstractHistorical experience shows that the welfare state is what holds democracy and the market economy together. Neither a welfare state that is too small nor one that is too large can fulfill this connective function. A “stability pact” between citizens and the state is needed: 1. A welfare state to provide citizens security even in their old age. 2. In order to preserve appropriate incentives, the retirement system has to be a form of “saving” (forced saving) for old age. 3. In addition, most citizens also undertake voluntary saving. 4. The state provides for monetary stability. 5. The state uses itsfiscal policy to promote high employment. A modern understanding of personal freedom includes the security provided by a welfare state of appropriate dimensions. It follows that in the twenty-first century, a large part of the wealth of citizens consists of net claims on the state.

1970 ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Hanneleena Hieta

In this paper, the author focuses on the controversial life and death of György Dózsa, the sixteenth-century mercenary and leader of a peasant revolt against the upper classes, to address the questions of what is heroism and who gets to define it. Whereas earlier Marxist historians considered him a hero for challenging the rule of the upper classes (while at the same time ignoring his upper-class background), twenty-first century historiography has omitted him from the pantheon of Hungarian national heroes. This omission is highlighted most clearly in Ópusztaszer National Historical Memorial Park near Szeged in south-eastern Hungary, a region claiming to be the place where the Hungarian state was born. The statues erected to commemorate one thousand years of Hungarian statehood did not include György Dózsa; instead, they commemorate those figures who best symbolized the stability of the state. Internal dissent does not make for good national heroes. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Muhannad Al Janabi Al Janabi

Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.


Author(s):  
Olena Pikaliuk ◽  
◽  
Dmitry Kovalenko ◽  

One of the main criteria for economic development is the size of the public debt and its dynamics. The article considers the impact of public debt on the financial security of Ukraine. The views of scientists on the essence of public debt and financial security of the state are substantiated. An analysis of the dynamics and structure of public debt of Ukraine for 2014-2019. It is proved that one of the main criteria for economic development is the size of public debt and its dynamics. State budget deficit, attracting and using loans to cover it have led to the formation and significant growth of public debt in Ukraine. The volume of public debt indicates an increase in the debt security of the state, which is a component of financial security. Therefore, the issue of the impact of public debt on the financial security of Ukraine is becoming increasingly relevant. The constant growth and large amounts of debt make it necessary to study it, which will have a positive impact on economic processes that will ensure the stability of the financial system and enhance its security.


Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.


Author(s):  
Martin Seeleib-Kaiser

Traditionally Germany has been categorized as the archetypical conservative welfare state, a categorization not systematically questioned in much of the comparative welfare state regime literature. For many scholars Germany was largely stuck and unable to reform its coordinated market economy and welfare state arrangements at the turn of the twenty-first century, due to a large number of veto points and players and the dominance of two ‘welfare state parties’. More recent research has highlighted a widening and deepening of the historically institutionalized social protection dualism, whilst at the same time significant family policy transformations, which can be considered as partially in line with the social investment paradigm, have been emphasized. This chapter sets out to sketch the main policy developments and aims to identify political determinants of social policy change in Germany.


Author(s):  
Jordanna Bailkin

This chapter asks how refugee camps transformed people as well as spaces, altering the identities of the individuals and communities who lived in and near them. It considers how camps forged and fractured economic, religious, and ethnic identities, constructing different kinds of unity and disunity. Camps had unpredictable effects on how refugees and Britons thought of themselves, and how they saw their relationship to upward and downward mobility. As the impoverished Briton emerged more clearly in the imagination of the welfare state, the refugee was his constant companion and critic. The state struggled to determine whether refugees required the same care as the poor, or if they warranted their own structures of aid.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 719-719
Author(s):  
Pamela Herd

Abstract The growth of the private sector in the Medicare and Medicaid programs is a sea change, leading many to argue that the old age welfare state is effectively becoming privatized. I examine these trends, but focus on the consequences for how older adults experience their interactions with government. In particular, I examine how privatization increases administrative burden for beneficiaries. Older adults must navigate hundreds of choices, leading to significant confusion. Most fail to pick policies that maximize their benefits and reduce their cost. This confusion harms beneficiaries. They end up with suboptimal coverage, with increased out of pocket costs and decreased access to care. The confusion, however, generates profits for insurers. Part of a symposium sponsored by the Women's Issues Interest Group.


1892 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 357
Author(s):  
John Rae ◽  
J. A. Spender ◽  
Arthur H. D. Acland
Keyword(s):  
Old Age ◽  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document