The Social Programs and Equal Access to Public Services

Author(s):  
Jinjun Wang
2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 786
Author(s):  
Gabriel R D Levrini

Poverty can be an economic circumstance, but it is also a political issue, since it directly influences several political decisions. The academic literature agrees that fundamental human needs have had, in fact, little development in their concept and scope within recent decades, although significantly changed happened in the Western way of accomplishing needs. We seek to understand different perspectives on possible different paths to a humanist articulation in the development of society. The goal of the research is through a humanistic approach based on Max Neef's theoretical precepts to understand the failure of the social program called Porto Alegre for All, in which less than 10% of the target population adopted the program. The research design had a qualitative phase with interviews with six target individuals, aiming to gain insights for the development of attributes and hierarchy of values for the use of the quantitative technique of joint analysis, made with a sample of 98 individuals. In our research the most important result was the attribute freedom, and the maternal pillar of the family is the great reference of these individuals.Keywords: Extreme Poverty. Freedom. Social programs. Fundamentals human needs.ResumoA pobreza pode ser uma circunstância econômica, mas também é uma questão política. A literatura acadêmica concorda que o conceito das necessidades humanas fundamentais teve, de fato, pouco desenvolvimento na sua atualização e escopo nas últimas décadas, embora mudanças significativas tenham ocorrido no modo ocidental de atender às necessidades. Buscamos a compreensão de diferentes perspectivas sobre os possíveis caminhos diferentes para uma articulação humanista no desenvolvimento da sociedade. O objetivo da pesquisa, é através de uma abordagem humanística baseada em preceitos teóricos de Max Neef compreender o fracasso do programa social denominado Porto Alegre para Todos, no qual menos de 10% da população-alvo adotou o programa. O design da pesquisa teve uma fase qualitativa com entrevistas com seis indivíduos target, com o objetivo de obter insights para o desenvolvimento dos atributos ehierarquia de valores para utilização da técnica quantitativa de análise conjunta, feita com uma amostra de 98 indivíduos. Na nossa pesquisa oresultado mais importantefoi o atributo liberdade, sendo que o pilar materno da familia e a grande referência destes individuos.Palavras-chave: Extrema pobreza. Liberdade. Programas sociais. Necessidades fundamentais humanas.


Author(s):  
Raina Dwi Miswara ◽  
Samodra Wibawa

Public services have become an important issue in Indonesia for more than a decade. One of them is health services, which is one of the basic needs whose provision must be held by the government as mandated in Article 28 H of the Constitution. For this reason, the Social Insurance Administration Organization (Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial, BPJS) was established on 1 January 2014. Are services to patients covered by BPJS satisfiying enough? This paper answers this question through literature studies and observations, comparing four hospitals in Java and two outside Java. It was found that there were still many problems in this service, and the most prominent was the queuing system that was unsatisfactory and too few staff and medical personnel and rooms compared to the increasing number of BPJS patients. In order to maintain public trust, the government needs to resolve this problem immediately


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-197
Author(s):  
Pedro Ernesto Moreira Gregori

ABSTRACTThe aim is to rethink a decade of public social policies and the social changes generated through a qualitative study focused mainly on the exploitation of secondary data and bibliographic and documentary research. We consider initially the 2002 crisis; the gap between classes appears to be less extensive than during the crisis, but deeper and entrenched over time. That social crack forced the country to rethink and reposition its public policies; especially through the creation of new ministries (Ministry of Social Development), new forms of municipal government (mayors and councilors) and specifically, new social programs and policies that served to stop and reduce the growing poverty, especially extreme poverty (emergency plan, plan of equity, PANES program, food card, citizen income, etc.). Anyway, the discontent of large sections of the middle classes is evident; the high cost of living and tax burdens and problems of citizen security erode governanceRESUMENEl objetivo presentado es repensar una década de políticas sociales públicas y visualizar los cambios sociales generados a través de un estudio cualitativo centrado principalmente en la explotación de datos secundarios y la investigación bibliográfica y documental. Tomamos inicialmente como punto de referencia la crisis de 2002; la brecha entre clases parece ser menos amplia que durante esa crisis, pero a su vez más profunda y enquistada en el tiempo. Ese crack social obligó al país a repensar y reposicionar sus políticas públicas; especialmente a través de la creación de nuevos Ministerios (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social), nuevas formas municipales de gobierno (Alcaldías y Concejalías) y concretamente, nuevos programas y políticas sociales que sirvieron para detener y disminuir la creciente pobreza y especialmente la indigencia (Plan de emergencia, Plan de equidad, Programa PANES, Tarjeta alimentaria, Ingreso Ciudadano, etc.). De todas formas, el descontento de grandes sectores de las clases medias es evidente; el alto coste de vida y de las cargas impositivas y los problemas de seguridad ciudadana erosionan la gestión de gobierno.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Héctor M. Cruz-Feliciano

Since the violent events of April 2018, a kind of “normalcy” has returned to everyday life in Nicaragua, but the social and political atmosphere has seen a dramatic change. The government’s social programs have lent some credibility to its claim of reversing the neoliberal policies of its predecessors. However, after more than a decade in power it has become clear that this is not the case. Instead of a socialist transformation, it has pursued a populist model designed to contain and reduce extreme poverty while expanding its political control at the grassroots through clientelist mechanisms. National elections are scheduled to take place in November 2021, and the Ortega-Murillo regime is setting the stage to assure its reelection. Without agreement among the opposition on a single candidate to face off against the regime, Nicaragua is likely facing five more years of Sandinista government. One thing is certain: the April rebellion threw up numerous young leaders who are unaligned with the traditional parties and whose values and aspirations align with those for which Nicaraguans fought in the revolution yet involve a more inclusive, less partisan, and more wide-ranging approach. In time, April 19 is likely to go on record as the door leading to a new era of progressive change. Desde los violentos sucesos de abril de 2018, una especie de “normalidad” ha vuelto a la vida cotidiana en Nicaragua, pero la atmósfera social y política ha experimentado un cambio dramático. Los programas sociales del gobierno han dado cierta credibilidad a su pretensión de revertir las políticas neoliberales de sus predecesores. Sin embargo, después de más de una década en el poder, ha quedado claro que este no es el caso. En lugar de una transformación socialista, ha seguido un modelo populista diseñado para contener y reducir la pobreza extrema al tiempo que amplía su control político en las bases a través de mecanismos clientelistas. Las elecciones nacionales están programadas para noviembre de 2021, y el régimen de Ortega-Murillo está preparando el escenario para asegurar su reelección. Sin un acuerdo entre la oposición sobre un solo candidato para enfrentar al régimen, es probable que Nicaragua enfrente cinco años más de gobierno sandinista. Una cosa es cierta: la rebelión de abril arrojó a numerosos líderes jóvenes que no están alineados con los partidos tradicionales y cuyos valores y aspiraciones se alinean con aquellos por los que lucharon los nicaragüenses en la revolución, pero que involucran un enfoque más inclusivo, menos partidista y más amplio. Con el tiempo, es probable que el 19 de abril quede registrado como la puerta que conduce a una nueva era de cambio progresivo.


Author(s):  
Cliona Loughnane

In 2011, the Government committed to the introduction of Universal Health Insurance (UHI) ‘with equal access to care for all’ by 2016 (Government of Ireland 2011: 2). This chapter explores how proposals to implement a system in which every member of the population would be expected to take out health insurance – and mooted by politicians as a way to end Ireland’s two-tier health system – exhibited particular characteristics of advanced liberal modes of governing.Specifically, drawing on Rose and Miller’s (1992) conceptualisation of the ‘aspirations’ of advanced liberal government – governing at a distance, the management of risk, engendering individuals to take responsibility through choice, and the fragmentation of the social state into multiple communities – this chapter demonstrates how while a political rhetoric may have stressed the significance of UHI as a basis for promoting solidarity and fairness, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the policy would have represented a further shift towards the marketization of Irish healthcare.


Author(s):  
Maria Lucia Fattorelli

The financial significance of public debt and its impact on government budgets justifies and, in fact demands, the continuous undertaking of audits aimed at investigating the entire debt process to determine which liabilities the national taxpayer is burdened with. It is clearly important to know if the budget is tainted with irregularities and/or fraud and if the stated expenses and losses are legal and legitimate. Audits also inform who benefited from the corresponding resources, how they were applied, if they complied with the existing legal and administrative regulations, as well as the social and environmental impact. Given that the general population pays a country’s public debt—through heavy tax burdens and the inadequacy of public services (budgetary resources are absorbed to pay debt obligations)—citizen participation in debt audits is essential. This chapter provides a snapshot of the Citizen Debt Audit experience in Brazil, Ecuador and Greece.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Mirela Matei ◽  
Marian Catalin Voica

The concept of corporate social responsibility is in constant development. It passes from the sphere of large transnational companies to the smaller sized companies, in the field of SMEs. Although SMEs don’t have the impact of great corporations, they have a duty to carry out social responsibility programs. An SME, as a singular unit, does not have the social impact of transnational corporations, but the large number of SMEs creates a social impact comparable to the one generated by large corporations. Due to competitive pressures, large transnational companies have outsourced some activities. SMEs that have taken over these activities have taken over responsibility for social programs to offset the negative effects arising


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 40-50
Author(s):  
Robina Manandhar

Regularization of informal settlements involves the process of legalization of tenure and upgrading of public services and infrastructures through land development. However, some settlement manages to get the services from formal authorities but lags legal tenure security. Legalization of tenure security is important so as to reduce their threat of eviction from formal authorities and improvement of their living standard. Various land development tools involves upgrading of public services and development of infrastructures but legalization of tenure security is left behind. Land development and legalization of tenure security both are the important components for regularization of informal settlements and recognize as formal settlements. Land readjustment is the tool or technique commonly used for the land development in Nepal. Thus this paper aims to indentify the applicability of land readjustment in regularization of informal settlement. In Nepal, there are prominent numbers of informal settlements along the river banks and also in urban core areas. Chadani tole along the Bagmati River is taken as a case study and analysis of applicability of land readjustment under the social and legal condition for regularization is carried out. This research has adopted both desk research and case study methodology. Qualitative and quantitative data analysis is adopted in this study. The results of research reveal that public participation and long term occupancy are the social positive aspects for the application of LR in informal settlements. Lack of land registration, legal recognition and development regulations are the legal hurdles for the application of LR in informal settlements. Land registration of informal settlement has not been done in Nepal which is important aspect for application of LR. Thus land registration of Nepal should include the components of STDM for the pro poor land registration and recognition of social tenure to informal settlements. Applicability of LR is difficult due to the lack of sufficient area. So to address the issue and ascertain the rights of dwellers to live in the same area, high rise apartments can be adopted.


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