Situational appraisal and emotional responses of the public in the social movement

Author(s):  
Alex Yue Feng Zhu ◽  
Kee Lee Chou
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Elizabete David Novaes

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo busca evidenciar o papel social das mulheres nos movimentos sociais promovidos no decorrer da história. Para cumprir com tal propósito, discute o caráter patriarcal da ciência cartesiana; apresenta uma reflexão acerca da articulação entre o público e privado; elabora uma revisão teórica acerca da historiografia da mulher, ressaltando a ação da mulher em diferentes momentos da história, buscando evidenciá-la como sujeito ativo, capaz de integrar o público e o privado, participando da conquista de direitos. Para enfatizar as articulações existentes entre as dimensões pública e privada, este artigo defende que historicamente a mulher politiza vias não políticas do cotidiano, atuando em movimentos sociais promotores de reivindicações e manifestações sociais, de modo a superar limites ideologicamente traçados pelo viés patriarcal da ciência moderna, de base cartesiana, atuando na luta por direitos e participação política na história.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> gênero; historiografia; público e privado; movimentos sociais; direitos.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper describes evidences of the social role of the women inside different social movements occurred during our history. It began with a discussion the patriarchal character of Cartesian science, presents reflections about the public and private articulation, a theoretical review of the women´s historiography, emphasizing their action at different times in history and trying to emphazise them as active subject which is capable to integrate the public and private, participating of the conquer their rights. To emphasize all the previous articulations between the public and private dimensions, this manuscript argues that historically women politicize daily non-political pathways. Their actuations in social movements promote the demands and social manifestations in order to ideologically overcome the limitations set by the the patriarchal bias of modern science, acting in the the fight (ou struggle) for rights and political participation in history.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender, historiography, public and private; social movement; rights.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Rahmad Hidayat

This article aims to show how the social movement was conducted in the framework of claiming a number of aspects of citizenship, especially environmental rights and political participation, to the local government. The refusal of FRAT Bima over the extractive policy of the Government of Bima District during 2011-2012 becomes a reflective context of the type of social movement with such a framework. This social protest should be explored further because it used acts of vandalism on some public facilities as the chosen way to fight against the environmental and political injustices. Through a case study, the author aims to explore the sequence of repertoires which were applied sequentially by FRAT Bima’s social protest as well as to examine its linkage with environmental citizenship and public distrust. Despite being closely related to citizens' awareness about environmental citizenship, the occurrence of this anarchist movement was also triggered by the low level of "formal legitimacy" of the local government as a seed of public distrust towards the intentions of environmental governance policy that was about to be applied to make the agricultural land owned by villagers as the site of a certain project of mineral extraction. The lack of the government’s formal legitimacy, which was supported by the growing awareness of environmental citizenship, has led the sequential application of conventional and non-conventional strategies in the demands articulation of FRAT Bima. This sequence of repertoires was held due to the low-level of government's responsiveness in accommodating the public claims about the cancellation of an undemocratic environmental policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 493-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Brown

The recent ascendency of Trumpism calls for a historical review of nativist movements and the social appeal they gained. This article will focus on talk-radio and how it shaped and influenced the American psyche and became a cornerstone for conservatism. The article illustrates common themes between contemporary talk-radio hosts and previous antiprogressive figures. Understanding the success of Rush Limbaugh, which started in the late 1980s, created a whole social movement that ought to be analyzed in order to understand the current mood of Trumpism. The author draws from historical events and personal anecdotes to analyze the nativist sentiments that keep reemerging in the public discourse.


2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 763-777
Author(s):  
I. K. Zagidullin

The article reveals the reasons and prerequisites of 1905 Additional Petition by the Taurian mufti A. Karashaysky on behalf of Muslims of the Crimean Peninsula that was addressed to the Chairman of the Minsters’ Committee and where he wrote about the expansion of the Taurian Mohammedan Spiritual Board’s competence and about the necessity of increasing the status of Islamic institutes. Providing comparative analysis between the Additional Petition and the Public Petition from Crimean Tatars the author allocates the general and specifi c matters of their contents. Thus, the research paper concludes that the Public Petition, via the values of liberal social movement, mostly declared the social, religious and spiritual needs of Crimean Tatars, while the petition prepared by the group of Muslims and clergy under the leadership of the Taurian mufti A. Karashaysky had strictly corporate, confessional orientation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Gayte

In evaluating recent developments in the New Christian Right (NCR), this paper uses the social movement theory approach of framing. Social movement organizations try to gain advantages with authorities and the public by framing their demands in ways intended to persuade people that their cause is valid. The most effective way of doing this is to align their specific issues rhetorically with larger cultural themes and values, which makes the frame accessible to larger audiences. After debating as to whether a conservative religious crusade can be considered a social movement, this paper examines the NCR as a collective movement whose influence on society and capacity to mobilize are heightened by resorting to the ‘discriminated minority’ framing strategy. I argue that viewing the NCR as a social movement allows us to deepen our understanding of both religious conservatism and of the culture wars. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Widener

This research note links the covert and overt chilling effects of cyber-surveillance on activist campaigns and on the social research of social movement actors in campaigns of resistance. Based on fieldwork in Aotearoa New Zealand during campaigns of resistance against offshore and onshore oil and gas proposals, this note explores how surveillance fears impact the public gatherings and information-sharing of citizen-activists and how the researcher may fail to ensure participant confidence and confidentiality, thereby becoming the researched and documented as well. The actions and commitments of both parties, the citizen-activist and the researcher of grassroots and social movements, may be strengthened or impeded by the degree of expected, though rarely verified, political and economic surveillance.


1986 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry D. Barnett ◽  
Richard H. Macdonald

This study deals with the values of individuals who belong to the social movement which questions the traditional notion that children are a necessary part of their lives. A random sample of a nationwide organization, the National Alliance/or Optional Parenthood, was used. The main finding is that members of this organization are more inwardly oriented than the general U.S. population. They are more interested in gaining support for their decision to remain childless than in reducing pronatalist pressure in society. Thus, their membership in a social movement is motivated more by self-interest than in the public welfare. There is an interest in social change, but this is not as strong as the personal, immediate benefits of membership in the organization.


Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Alexey L. Beglov

The article examines the contribution of the representatives of the Samarin family to the development of the Parish issue in the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The issue of expanding the rights of the laity in the sphere of parish self-government was one of the most debated problems of Church life in that period. The public discussion was initiated by D.F. Samarin (1827-1901). He formulated the “social concept” of the parish and parish reform, based on Slavophile views on society and the Church. In the beginning of the twentieth century his eldest son F.D. Samarin who was a member of the Special Council on the development the Orthodox parish project in 1907, and as such developed the Slavophile concept of the parish. In 1915, A.D. Samarin, who took up the position of the Chief Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, tried to make his contribution to the cause of the parish reforms, but he failed to do so due to his resignation.


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