Personnel Politics: Elections, Clientelistic Competition and Teacher Hiring in Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1283-1305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan H Pierskalla ◽  
Audrey Sacks
Keyword(s):  
Civil Service ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Education Sector ◽  
Competitive Environment ◽  
Teacher Hiring ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Patronage Politics ◽  
Contract Teachers ◽  
Decentralized Education ◽  
Ruling Party

AbstractWhat is the effect of increased electoral competition on patronage politics? If programmatic appeals are not credible, institutional reforms that move politics from an elite- to a mass-focused and more competitive environment increase patronage efforts. This leads to an overall surge and notable spike in discretionary state hiring in election years. The study tests this prediction in the context of Indonesia’s decentralized education sector. The authors exploit the exogenous phasing in and timing of elections in Indonesian districts for causal identification. They find evidence of election-related increases in the number of contract teachers on local payrolls and increases in civil service teacher certifications, which dramatically increases salaries. These effects are particularly pronounced for districts in which the former authoritarian ruling party is in competition with new entrants.

scholarly journals The Right to Strike in the Education Sector in Light of Constitutional Provisions and International Legal Obligations

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-138
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Bocheńska
Keyword(s):  
Public Education ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Education Sector ◽  
Main Area ◽  
Area Of Interest ◽  
Current State ◽  
Legal Obligations ◽  
The Right

The main area of interest of this paper focuses on the right to strike in public education sector. All the possibilities of limiting the right to strike in this public sector needs to be verified in the context of constitutional provisions and international legal obligations binding the legislator. The possibility of “including” teachers in the Civil Service Corps is being considered in this paper. Under the current state of law, there are no grounds to restrict or prohibit the right to strike in the education sector. The potential subordination of teachers to the rigours binding the Civil Service Corps would require far-reaching adjustments within this institution, stemming from the constitutional provisions that would necessitate these changes.

Policy towards the Judiciary as a symptom the transformation of the Polish political system in years 2015–2020

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (58) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Dariusz Skrzypiński
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Ruling Party

The article provides an analysis of PiS1. actions with respect to the judiciary. PiS is the ruling party in Poland since 2015. It implemented very deep institutional reforms and took intensive communication measures of propaganda-like discrediting nature which brought significant political consequences. Firstly, the principles of rule of law and separation of powers were breached leading to a departure from standards of liberal democracy. Secondly, very strong polarisation of attitudes occurred in the society and legal elites with respect to the introduced reforms, causing politicisation of the judiciary and confrontation inside the judiciary between those in favour and those against the government’s actions.

Bringing the Party Back In: How the DPJ Diminished Prospects for Japanese Agricultural Trade Liberalization under the TPP

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
AURELIA GEORGE MULGAN
Keyword(s):  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Agricultural Trade ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Agricultural Trade Liberalization ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
Structure Of Trade ◽  
On Farm ◽  
Ruling Party

AbstractChanges to the institutional structure of trade policymaking are important to understanding why Japan remained largely on the sidelines of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPP) negotiations in 2010-2012. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) embarked on a series of changes to policymaking institutions, which initially empowered the prime minister and cabinet at the expense of pro-agriculture backbenchers in the ruling party. However, the potential for a breakthrough on farm trade substantially diminished as the institutional reforms were reversed, allowing political supporters of domestic farm interests once more to assert their voice and influence in trade policymaking. Tracing the process of DPJ government decision-making on the TPP reveals that ‘bringing the party back in’ was a major factor in preventing Japan's formally joining the TPP negotiations, despite the strong pro-TPP sentiments of DPJ prime ministers, thus limiting prospects for agricultural trade liberalization.

scholarly journals Polish Democracy Under Threat? An Issue of Mere Politics or a Real Danger?

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sava Jankovic
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The Media ◽  
Constitutional Tribunal ◽  
The Law ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Real Danger

Abstract Poland has recently experienced a constitutional crisis. The crisis involves the role of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in the election of judges and amendments to the Constitutional Tribunal Act which threatens the independence of the Tribunal. The situation is exacerbated by changes in the media, civil service, police, and prosecution laws introduced by the ruling party. This article analyses the changes, as well as the domestic and international reactions to the crisis, and considers whether the heavy criticism of the PiS is justified, or whether it results from, for instance, specific characteristics of the Polish political system and an unfavourable opinion in Europe about the Law and Justice party.

CHRONICLE OF A COUP FORETOLD: VALENTINE MUSAKANYA AND THE 1980 COUP ATTEMPT IN ZAMBIA

2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-409
Author(s):  
MILES LARMER
Keyword(s):  
Civil Service ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Business Elite ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Before And After ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

ABSTRACTZambia's unsuccessful coup attempt in 1980 was initiated by members of the country's intellectual and business elite, who had played a leading role in the postcolonial civil service and state bureaucracy, but who became disillusioned with the takeover of the state by the ruling party before and after the declaration of the one-party state in 1972. Among their number was Valentine Musakanya, one of those convicted for the coup attempt. Using Musakanya's biographical and other writings, this article explores his intellectual trajectory from head of the civil service to political prisoner. In so doing, it investigates the role of life writing in aiding understanding of the postcolonial political history of Africa.

Undoing the Institutions of the Democratic State

2019 ◽  
pp. 132-149
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sadurski
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Commercial Media ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Ruling Party

This chapter covers how, from the very beginning, the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS)) party targeted five democratic institutions as obstacles to its capture of the state. First, it looks at the parliamentary opposition being marginalized and effectively silenced. Second, it details how the civil service has been subjected to political control, and the principles of professionalism and neutrality in the civil service have been abandoned. Third, the chapter looks at the public media being transformed into a propaganda machine for the ruling party, and the commercial media being threatened with laws that would constrain their operation. Fourth, it considers how electoral commissions have been effectively subjected to the executive, which renders massive electoral frauds possible. Finally, the chapter looks at how institutions dispensing grants and subsidies to civil society organizations have been centralized and subjected to the executive. All these institutions provide a buffer for the population from the arbitrary will of politicians, which is why PiS could not tolerate them.

Tanzania’s elections will revolve around ruling party

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Internal Competition ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Tanzania election outlook. Significance Tanzania faces a prolonged period of electioneering as the political elite prepares for the October 2020 general election. Even for a country in which the ruling party has successfully won every election it has contested, the jostling for power in this election cycle will be heavily inward-looking. Factionalism, posturing and settling of scores within the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party will take centre stage. Impacts Pre-selection campaigns are self-funded; this will increase corruption risks as candidates look to secure and spend campaign funds. The government has already limited civil service decision-making power; with ministers distracted, decisions will slow further. The president may leverage internal competition over cabinet posts to further centralise his control of the party.

scholarly journals Islamic Organisation and Electoral Politics: Nahdlatul Ulama and Islamic Mobilisation in Indonesia's Local Election

PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 323
Author(s):  
Luthfi Makhasin
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Competition ◽  
National Level ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Religious Conservatism ◽  
Central Java ◽  
Patronage Politics ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
The Impact

This paper deals with patronage and piety politics in local election by comparing two cases of the 2017 local election in Central Java Province. It focuses on the role of and dilemma faced by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Indonesia’s Muslim organization, in electoral competition in Indonesia. This article confirms previous scholarly works on the widespread of patronage distribution in and the impact of rising religious conservatism to electoral competition. However, this paper shows both piety and patronage politics are neither necessarily negative for maintaining oligarchic rule nor bad for provoking intolerance and violence. The case of Nahdlatul Ulama reveals that Islamic organisation in Indonesia is not immune from electoral politics and due to institutional weaknesses of most of political parties in Indonesia, it will likely remains an important political player for mobilising support in upcoming elections, both at local and national level.

scholarly journals Togo – 2019 : Domestic politics, foreign affairs, socio-economic development

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Water Port ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Frontier Region ◽  
Secteur Informel ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
The Eu

ABSTRACT: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2030) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grassroots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ: Des réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter aux quatrième et cinquième mandats (2020 et 2030) car la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Les grandes attentes de l'opposition qui avait espéré un changement fondamental au moins à la base ont de nouveau été déçues. La situation des droits de l'homme s'est fortement détériorée en raison des tensions politiques et sociales croissantes, liées aux perspectives d'un quatrième mandat du chef de l'État. La violence terroriste islamiste s'est propagée du Mali à la région frontalière nord du Togo. Le port autonome en eau profonde de Lomé s'est développé comme un pôle de croissance et un hub pour la sous-région. La Chine est devenue le principal partenaire aux côtés des partenaires établis, l'UE, la France et l'Allemagne. Le secteur informel dominait toujours l'économie. La liberté économique est restée avec le statut global «pour la plupart non libre».

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