Real, but Limited: A Meta-Analytic Assessment of Framing Effects in the Political Domain

Author(s):  
Eran Amsalem ◽  
Alon Zoizner

Abstract In the past three decades, scholars have frequently used the concept of framing effects to assess the competence of citizens' political judgments and how susceptible they are to elite influence. Yet prior framing studies have reached mixed conclusions, and few have provided systematic cumulative evidence. This study evaluates the overall efficacy of different types of framing effects in the political domain by systematically meta-analyzing this large and diverse literature. A combined analysis of 138 experiments reveals that when examined across contexts, framing exerts medium-sized effects on citizens' political attitudes and emotions. However, framing effects on behavior are negligible, and small effects are also found in more realistic studies employing frame competition. These findings suggest that although elites can influence citizens by framing issues, their capacity to do so is constrained. Overall, citizens appear to be more competent than some scholars envision them to be.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-150
Author(s):  
Silvia Schultermandl

In lieu of an abstract, here is the first paragraph of this contribution to this forum: The advent of Facebook in 2004, Twitter in 2006, Tumblr in 2007, Instagram and Pinterest in 2010, and Snapchat and Google+ in 2011 facilitated the emergence of “everyday” autobiographies out of keeping with memoir practices of the past.[1] These “quick media” enable constant, instantaneous, and seemingly organic expressions of everyday lives.[2] To read quick media as “autobiographical acts” allows us to analyze how people mobilize online media as representations of their lives and the lives of others.[3] They do so through a wide range of topics including YouTube testimonials posted by asylum seekers (Whitlock 2015) and the life-style oriented content on Pinterest.[4] To be sure, the political content of these different quick media life writing varies greatly. Nevertheless, in line with the feminist credo that the personal is political, these expressions of selfhood are indicative of specific societal and political contexts and thus contribute to the memoir boom long noticed on the literary market.[5]


2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Steinmetz

The widespread embrace of imperial terminology across the political spectrum during the past three years has not led to an increased level of conceptual or theoretical clarity around the word “empire.” There is also disagreement about whether the United States is itself an empire, and if so, what sort of empire it is; the determinants of its geopolitical stance; and the effects of “empire as a way of life” on the “metropole.” Using the United States and Germany in the past 200 years as empirical cases, this article proposes a set of historically embedded categories for distinguishing among different types of imperial practice. The central distinction contrasts territorial and nonterritorial types of modern empire, that is, colonialism versus imperialism. Against world-system theory, territorial and nonterritorial approaches have not typi-cally appeared in pure form but have been mixed together both in time and in the repertoire of individual metropolitan states. After developing these categories the second part of the article explores empire's determinants and its effects, again focusing on the German and U.S. cases but with forays into Portuguese and British imperialism. Supporters of overseas empire often couch their arguments in economic or strategic terms, and social theorists have followed suit in accepting these expressed motives as the “taproot of imperialism” (J. A. Hobson). But other factors have played an equally important role in shaping imperial practices, even pushing in directions that are economically and geopolitically counterproductive for the imperial power. Postcolonial theorists have rightly empha-sized the cultural and psychic processes at work in empire but have tended to ignore empire's effects on practices of economy and its regulation. Current U.S. imperialism abroad may not be a danger to capitalism per se or to America's overall political power, but it is threatening and remaking the domestic post-Fordist mode of social regulation.


Author(s):  
Dustin Carnahan ◽  
Qi Hao ◽  
Xiaodi Yan

Since its emergence, framing has established itself as one of the most prominent areas of study within the political communication literature. Simply defined, frames are acts of communication that present a certain interpretation of the world that can change the ways in which people understand, define and evaluate issues and events. But while scholarly understanding of framing as a concept has been refined as a consequence of many years of constructive debate, framing methodology has evolved little since the introduction of the concept several decades ago. As a consequence, the methods employed to study and understand framing effects have not kept up with more modern conceptualizations of framing and have struggled to meaningfully contribute to framing theory on the whole. Specifically, analyses of the framing literature over the past two decades suggest framing studies often fall short in properly distinguishing framing effects from broader persuasion and information effects and the current state of the literature—characterized by inconsistencies and idiosyncrasies across individual works—has made generalization difficult, hampering further theoretical development. In light of these concerns, framing scholars must utilize research approaches that allow for a more precise understanding of the mechanisms by which framing effects occur and identify strategies by which broader insights may be gleaned from both current and future work on the subject in order to enrich framing theory moving forward.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
WooJin Kang

The main goal of this study is to examine the political influence of Park Chung Hee (PCH) nostalgia on citizens’ support for Park Guen-hye (PGH) in the 2012 Korean presidential election. The 2012 presidential election offers a rare opportunity to test the political influence of PCH nostalgia on citizens’ electoral choices. To do so, this study analyzes dual aspects of PCH nostalgia and its influence on voters choosing PGH in the 2012 presidential election: voter preference for PGH, and voter identification with developmentalism, the PCH government’s dominant ideology. The findings of this study confirm that both aspects of PCH nostalgia significantly influenced citizens who chose to support Park Chung Hee’s daughter. These findings also have comparative implications, relevant to similar political situations in other emergent democracies.


Author(s):  
Ch. E. Merriam

The original outline of this article included a general overview and critique of the leading trends in the study of politics over the past 30 to 40 years. It was intended to compare the methods and results of different types of political thought-to consider in turn the historical school, the law school, researchers in the field of comparative analysis of forms of government, philosophers themselves, the approach of economists, the contribution of geographers and ethnologists, the work of statisticians, and finally to turn to psychological, sociological and biological interpretations of the political process. It would be an interesting and perhaps useful task to compare the subject and method of such thinkers as Jellinek, Gierke, Dugi, Dicey and Pound, the philosophies of Sorel and Dewey, Ritchie and Russell, Nietzsche and Tolstoy, to look at the methods of Durkheim and Simmel, Ward, Giddings and Small, Cooley and Ross, and to discuss the innovations found in the works of Wallace and Cole. It might be useful to expand the analysis to include important features of the environment in which these ideas flourished, and the many close connections between them. One could also discuss the impact of social and industrial development, class movements and class struggle or group conflicts in a broader sense, consider the impact of urbanism and industrialism, capitalism, socialism and syndicalism, militarism, pacifism, feminism, nationalism. It would be useful, perhaps, to present a critique of the methods and results described and to specifically assess the significance of logical, psychological, sociological, legal, philosophical and historical methodologies and the contribution of each of them to the study of the political. This task, however, was dropped and postponed for the next time, as it became apparent that no such review could be compressed to reasonable volumes. In order to achieve our common goal, it would seem that a different type of analysis would be more productive, aimed at reconstructing the methods of political research and obtaining more extensive results in both the theoretical and practical fields.


Author(s):  
Hans Lauge Hansen

Este artículo realiza una lectura de dos novelas chilenas, El desierto de Carlos Franz (2005) y La vida doble de Arturo Fontaine (2010). Ambas novelas aplican la perspectiva del victimario en la represión violenta de la izquierda política después del golpe de estado de Augusto Pinochet en 1973, pero de forma muy diferente. El artículo contextualiza las dos novelas en relación a un ‘giro victimario’ internacional y la subsiguiente desconstrucción de los patrones narrativos utilizados para representar un pasado violento, y propone un enfoque modal en el análisis comparativo de las dos novelas. El concepto de la "banalidad del mal" de Hannah Arendt y las dos diferentes versiones descritas por Maria Torgovnick, "Eichmann está en todos nosotros" y "todos podríamos ser Eichmann", se aplicarán para describir las diferentes formas con que las novelas conceptualizan y contextualizan las categorías morales.  This article engages with a comparative reading of two contemporary Chilean novels, El desierto by Carlos Franz (The desert, 2005) and La vida doble by Arturo Fontaine (The double life, 2010). Both novels include the perspective of a perpetrator in the violent suppression of the political Left following Augusto Pinochet’s coup d’etat in 1973, but they do so in very different ways. The article contextualizes the novels in relation to a broader, international ‘perpetrator turn’ and the subsequent deconstruction of hegemonic narrative templates used in the representation of the conflicts of the past, and proposes to apply a modal approach to the analysis of the differences between the novels. Hannah Arendt’s concept of the "banality of evil" and Maria Torgovnick’s interpretation of its different possible applications, "Eichmann is in all of us" and "Anyone could be Eichmann", are used to describe the different ways in which the two novels engage with moral categories and social contextualization of ‘evil’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 691 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-257
Author(s):  
John Lapidus

The Swedish welfare model is gradually losing its former characteristics. Notable is the extensive privatization of provision and the emerging privatization of funding, primarily through new and half-private services in health care, education, and elderly care. The clearest example of this trend is the rise of private health insurance, which is now signed by every tenth person of working age. This article points out different types of regulations that have provoked the rise of private health insurance, and discusses types of regulations that could potentially slow privatization. Further, this article analyzes three official welfare investigation reports. These reports avoid the decisive regulations they are supposed to discuss, and sometimes go against directives to do so. I argue that regulations for private health insurance have occurred without much debate, while every potential regulation against private health insurance is very much disputed by industry interests and many of the political parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-446
Author(s):  
Michael Ure ◽  

In 1967, Hannah Arendt published an essay with the deceptively simple title “Truth and Politics” (1967). Most scholarly discussions of her essay consider her distinction between a traditional political art of limited, deliberate, strategic lying and modern, organised, global lying and self-deception and then evaluate her qualified defence of the virtues of mendacity. This article suggests, however, that her essay has a much broader ambit: viz., to defend the political value of truth-telling. The main purpose of this article is to demonstrate that she formulates her essay as an apology of the truth-teller in politics and of her own truth-telling in her controversial report of the Eichmann trial. It first surveys the personal motives of Arendt’s political defence of frank speech. It shows that in developing this defence she significantly revises her scepticism about the value of truth-telling in politics. She does so by identifying three different types of truth-teller with distinctive political roles: philosophers who exemplify the truth in their own lives, citizens who see the world from other people’s perspectives, and poets and historians whose stories reconcile citizens to the past. Finally, it argues that the tragic political perspective Arendt sought to revive requires acknowledging value of the emotions in making political judgments.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Al-Ghanim

Over the past decade, the states of the Arabian peninsula have taken strides to liberalize their political systems. They have convened elections for different types of representative bodies and have liberalized their economies more than ever before. Some countries have even systematized these elections over time. While the political science literature views elections as a significant step towards political liberalization, it remains unclear whether or not elections in authoritarian settings actually lead to more meaningful reforms. This paper considers the institutional set-up and limits that are placed on representative bodies in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia, and how these inhibit manifestation of additional reforms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-431
Author(s):  
Chiel van den Akker

AbstractWe do not learn from the past nor from possible analogies between the past and the present. Rather we learn from representations of the past and the insights they offer, for those insights allow us to adopt the political and moral values that we need to plan a future course of action. It follows, so Frank Ankersmit argues, that aesthetics in its sense as a general theory of representation precedes ethics. This essay is concerned with this bold and important thesis. It will do so in the context of the politics of historical representation and the fact–value and subjectivity–objectivity distinctions. The subject was also dear to the heart of Ankersmit’s late American colleague Hayden White. Ankersmit is concerned with how historical representations support a future course of action. White, by contrast, was (also) concerned with how historical representations limit a future course of action since they cannot serve as a basis for utopian politics.


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