scholarly journals Modos de representación literaria de la zona gris. Una lectura de dos novelas chilenas

Author(s):  
Hans Lauge Hansen

Este artículo realiza una lectura de dos novelas chilenas, El desierto de Carlos Franz (2005) y La vida doble de Arturo Fontaine (2010). Ambas novelas aplican la perspectiva del victimario en la represión violenta de la izquierda política después del golpe de estado de Augusto Pinochet en 1973, pero de forma muy diferente. El artículo contextualiza las dos novelas en relación a un ‘giro victimario’ internacional y la subsiguiente desconstrucción de los patrones narrativos utilizados para representar un pasado violento, y propone un enfoque modal en el análisis comparativo de las dos novelas. El concepto de la "banalidad del mal" de Hannah Arendt y las dos diferentes versiones descritas por Maria Torgovnick, "Eichmann está en todos nosotros" y "todos podríamos ser Eichmann", se aplicarán para describir las diferentes formas con que las novelas conceptualizan y contextualizan las categorías morales.  This article engages with a comparative reading of two contemporary Chilean novels, El desierto by Carlos Franz (The desert, 2005) and La vida doble by Arturo Fontaine (The double life, 2010). Both novels include the perspective of a perpetrator in the violent suppression of the political Left following Augusto Pinochet’s coup d’etat in 1973, but they do so in very different ways. The article contextualizes the novels in relation to a broader, international ‘perpetrator turn’ and the subsequent deconstruction of hegemonic narrative templates used in the representation of the conflicts of the past, and proposes to apply a modal approach to the analysis of the differences between the novels. Hannah Arendt’s concept of the "banality of evil" and Maria Torgovnick’s interpretation of its different possible applications, "Eichmann is in all of us" and "Anyone could be Eichmann", are used to describe the different ways in which the two novels engage with moral categories and social contextualization of ‘evil’.

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-295
Author(s):  
Nidesh Lawtoo

This article revisits the case of Woody Allen’s mockumentary Zelig (1983) via Friedrich Nietzsche’s diagnostic of mimicry in The Gay Science. It argues that the case of the “human chameleon” remains contemporary for both philosophical and political reasons. On the philosophical side, I argue that the case of Zelig challenges an autonomous conception of the subject based on rational self-sufficiency (or Homo Sapiens) by proposing a relational conception of the subject open to mimetic influences (or homo mimeticus) that will have to await the discovery of mirror neurons in the 1990s in order to find an empirical confirmation. On the political side, I say that Zelig foregrounds the power of authoritarian leaders in the 1930s to cast a spell on both imitative crowds and publics in terms that provide a mimetic supplement to Hannah Arendt’s account of the “banality of evil”. The philosophical purchase of Zelig’s cinematic dramatization of a mimetic subject is that it reveals how the “inability to think” (Hannah Arendt) characteristic of the case of Eichmann rests on unnoticed affective principles constitutive of the all-too-human penchant for “mimicry” (Nietzsche) the film dramatises. Thus reframed, the human chameleon reflects (on) the dangers of mimetic dispossessions that reached massive proportions in the past century and continue to cast a shadow on the present century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-150
Author(s):  
Silvia Schultermandl

In lieu of an abstract, here is the first paragraph of this contribution to this forum: The advent of Facebook in 2004, Twitter in 2006, Tumblr in 2007, Instagram and Pinterest in 2010, and Snapchat and Google+ in 2011 facilitated the emergence of “everyday” autobiographies out of keeping with memoir practices of the past.[1] These “quick media” enable constant, instantaneous, and seemingly organic expressions of everyday lives.[2] To read quick media as “autobiographical acts” allows us to analyze how people mobilize online media as representations of their lives and the lives of others.[3] They do so through a wide range of topics including YouTube testimonials posted by asylum seekers (Whitlock 2015) and the life-style oriented content on Pinterest.[4] To be sure, the political content of these different quick media life writing varies greatly. Nevertheless, in line with the feminist credo that the personal is political, these expressions of selfhood are indicative of specific societal and political contexts and thus contribute to the memoir boom long noticed on the literary market.[5]


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vlasta Jalušič

Reinhard Koselleck has long been regarded as a particularly eminent theorist of socio-political concepts, while Hannah Arendt had not been in focus as a conceptual author until recent times. This article explores the common thinking space between Arendt and Koselleck through their thesis about the gap, rupture, crisis, or break in the tradition of political thinking and historical periods and how this is linked to their notion of conceptuality, i.e. Begreifen (understanding). Despite the impression that each of them focused on the one main break between the past and the future, Arendt and Koselleck both studied multiple breaks and crises in the Western political tradition. The article attempts to show how their distinctive thinking and rethinking of political concepts (Begreifen) are related to these breaks through several direct and indirect encounters and how these are both close and apart at the same time. While they have different concepts of politics and the political, their understanding of the breaks in time and crises can be read as complementary, especially considering their concern with returning the responsibility for actions and concepts to the human sphere.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Campbell Jones

This paper arises from a request to report to the Future of Work Commission on the question of the value of work in the past, present, and future politics of the Left. This task is complicated, however, by the complexity of the meaning of the terms Left and Right. It is only when we are clear about the meanings of Left and Right that we can be clear about the very different kinds of politics that will result from taking a Left position on work. This paper seeks to clarify what a Left politics of work might look like today. This requires in the first place an analysis of the respective value of work to the political Left and Right, to which end I argue that what distinguishes the Left and the Right regarding the value of work is not simply the quantity of value or dignity that is attributed to work. Rather, Left and Right depart in a fundamental ontological confrontation regarding the nature of what work is and the existence of the bodies from which work issues. This analysis therefore raises deeper questions regarding the very distinction between the Left and the Right.  


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-93
Author(s):  
Lucas Poy

AbstractThis article traces the reception of E.P. Thompson’s work in Argentina over the past three decades. It explores the context in which Thompson was read by labor historians as a means to analyse the way in which the country’s labor historiography was shaped over this period. It argues that, in the 1980s and the 1990s, against a context characterized by a crisis of the political left and a downturn in the labor movement, Thompson’s appropriation was focused on his critique of Marxist “determinism”. While this corresponded to similar developments in other countries, Argentinian labor historiography started to show a different path in the early 2000s, when a tremendous social, political, and economic crisis shook the country. The article concludes that recent developments in labor historiography in Argentina show a different pattern to those seen in the “Global North”.


Author(s):  
José Daniel Benclowicz

Resumen: Este trabajo examina las representaciones del anarcosindicalismo español de un suceso trascendente de la historia argentina: el golpe de Estado de 1930, el primero desde la organización política definitiva de este país. En esta línea, analizo la recepción de las noticias sobre la situación política y social argentina, atendiendo a la evolución de una desconocida y llamativa simpatía por el golpe militar que se plantea inicialmente en las páginas de Solidaridad Obrera, el periódico de la CNT. Se adopta una perspectiva transnacional que tiene en cuenta los diálogos y relaciones entre las distintas tendencias anarquistas a ambos lados del océano y la incidencia del contexto político de cada país. De este modo, además de dar cuenta de los posicionamientos cambiantes de la CNT, el trabajo aporta elementos para examinar el poco conocido devenir del anarquismo argentino en este período.Palabras clave: Anarcosindicalismo español, Representaciones de la Argentina, Primera mitad de los años 30, Golpe de Estado de 1930, Relaciones transnacionales.Abstract: This paper examines the representations of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism of a pivotal event in Argentine history: the coup d'etat of 1930, the first since the final political organization of this country. In order to do so, I analyze the reception of the news about the political and social situation in Argentina, charting the evolution of an unexpected and striking sympathy for the military coup, initially presented in the pages of Solidaridad Obrera, the CNT newspaper. A transnational perspective is adopted, which take into account the dialogues and relationships between the different anarchist tendencies on both sides of the Atlantic, as well as the impact of the political context of each country. Thus, in addition to providing an account of the changing positions of the CNT, the article also explores the little known development of Argentine anarchism in this period.Keywords: Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, Representations of Argentina, First half of the 1930s, Coup d'etat of 1930, Transnational relations.


2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana Villa

AbstractThis essay provides an overview of the life and theoretical concerns of Hannah Arendt. It traces the way her experience as a German Jew in the 1930s informed her analysis of totalitarianism in The Origins of Totalitarianism and her idea of the “banality of evil” in Eichmann in Jerusalem. The essay takes issue with those of Arendt's critics who detect a lack of “love of the Jewish people” in her writing. It also traces the way Arendt's encounter with totalitarian evil led to a deeper questioning of the anti-democratic impulses in the Western tradition of political thought—a questioning that finds its fullest articulation in The Human Condition and On Revolution. Throughout, my concern is to highlight Arendt's contribution to thinking “the political” in a way friendly to the basic phenomenon of human plurality. I also highlight her recovery and extension of the main themes of the civic republican tradition.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
WooJin Kang

The main goal of this study is to examine the political influence of Park Chung Hee (PCH) nostalgia on citizens’ support for Park Guen-hye (PGH) in the 2012 Korean presidential election. The 2012 presidential election offers a rare opportunity to test the political influence of PCH nostalgia on citizens’ electoral choices. To do so, this study analyzes dual aspects of PCH nostalgia and its influence on voters choosing PGH in the 2012 presidential election: voter preference for PGH, and voter identification with developmentalism, the PCH government’s dominant ideology. The findings of this study confirm that both aspects of PCH nostalgia significantly influenced citizens who chose to support Park Chung Hee’s daughter. These findings also have comparative implications, relevant to similar political situations in other emergent democracies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Motta ◽  
Cauê Pimentel

In the past few years, many scholars keen to the Copenhagen School (CS) turned to the works of the German political scientist Carl Schmitt in order to strengthen the philosophical foundations of the theory, especially the disputed concept of exception. Schmitt is a singular and important contribution to the debate, however his definition of the political makes securitization concept more conservative and a more unilateral event as politics would only be explicit in the exception spectrum. Our idea in this brief paper is to present a contribution to this discussion coming from a less considered perspective: the works and writings of Hannah Arendt. We will examine how her ideas towards politics and the exception can shed a light on the same issues that Schmitt seems to blur even further. We believe that bringing Hannah Arendt to the debate offers a different understanding of the foundational problems of the securitization concept and enhances the normative appeal of the theory towards a broader and more sophisticated base, opening new paths for research and discussion under the framework of the Copenhagen School.


Author(s):  
Eran Amsalem ◽  
Alon Zoizner

Abstract In the past three decades, scholars have frequently used the concept of framing effects to assess the competence of citizens' political judgments and how susceptible they are to elite influence. Yet prior framing studies have reached mixed conclusions, and few have provided systematic cumulative evidence. This study evaluates the overall efficacy of different types of framing effects in the political domain by systematically meta-analyzing this large and diverse literature. A combined analysis of 138 experiments reveals that when examined across contexts, framing exerts medium-sized effects on citizens' political attitudes and emotions. However, framing effects on behavior are negligible, and small effects are also found in more realistic studies employing frame competition. These findings suggest that although elites can influence citizens by framing issues, their capacity to do so is constrained. Overall, citizens appear to be more competent than some scholars envision them to be.


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