The Past is Long-Lasting: Park Chung Hee Nostalgia and Voter Choice in the 2012 Korean Presidential Election

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
WooJin Kang

The main goal of this study is to examine the political influence of Park Chung Hee (PCH) nostalgia on citizens’ support for Park Guen-hye (PGH) in the 2012 Korean presidential election. The 2012 presidential election offers a rare opportunity to test the political influence of PCH nostalgia on citizens’ electoral choices. To do so, this study analyzes dual aspects of PCH nostalgia and its influence on voters choosing PGH in the 2012 presidential election: voter preference for PGH, and voter identification with developmentalism, the PCH government’s dominant ideology. The findings of this study confirm that both aspects of PCH nostalgia significantly influenced citizens who chose to support Park Chung Hee’s daughter. These findings also have comparative implications, relevant to similar political situations in other emergent democracies.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-150
Author(s):  
Silvia Schultermandl

In lieu of an abstract, here is the first paragraph of this contribution to this forum: The advent of Facebook in 2004, Twitter in 2006, Tumblr in 2007, Instagram and Pinterest in 2010, and Snapchat and Google+ in 2011 facilitated the emergence of “everyday” autobiographies out of keeping with memoir practices of the past.[1] These “quick media” enable constant, instantaneous, and seemingly organic expressions of everyday lives.[2] To read quick media as “autobiographical acts” allows us to analyze how people mobilize online media as representations of their lives and the lives of others.[3] They do so through a wide range of topics including YouTube testimonials posted by asylum seekers (Whitlock 2015) and the life-style oriented content on Pinterest.[4] To be sure, the political content of these different quick media life writing varies greatly. Nevertheless, in line with the feminist credo that the personal is political, these expressions of selfhood are indicative of specific societal and political contexts and thus contribute to the memoir boom long noticed on the literary market.[5]


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.


Author(s):  
Hans Lauge Hansen

Este artículo realiza una lectura de dos novelas chilenas, El desierto de Carlos Franz (2005) y La vida doble de Arturo Fontaine (2010). Ambas novelas aplican la perspectiva del victimario en la represión violenta de la izquierda política después del golpe de estado de Augusto Pinochet en 1973, pero de forma muy diferente. El artículo contextualiza las dos novelas en relación a un ‘giro victimario’ internacional y la subsiguiente desconstrucción de los patrones narrativos utilizados para representar un pasado violento, y propone un enfoque modal en el análisis comparativo de las dos novelas. El concepto de la "banalidad del mal" de Hannah Arendt y las dos diferentes versiones descritas por Maria Torgovnick, "Eichmann está en todos nosotros" y "todos podríamos ser Eichmann", se aplicarán para describir las diferentes formas con que las novelas conceptualizan y contextualizan las categorías morales.  This article engages with a comparative reading of two contemporary Chilean novels, El desierto by Carlos Franz (The desert, 2005) and La vida doble by Arturo Fontaine (The double life, 2010). Both novels include the perspective of a perpetrator in the violent suppression of the political Left following Augusto Pinochet’s coup d’etat in 1973, but they do so in very different ways. The article contextualizes the novels in relation to a broader, international ‘perpetrator turn’ and the subsequent deconstruction of hegemonic narrative templates used in the representation of the conflicts of the past, and proposes to apply a modal approach to the analysis of the differences between the novels. Hannah Arendt’s concept of the "banality of evil" and Maria Torgovnick’s interpretation of its different possible applications, "Eichmann is in all of us" and "Anyone could be Eichmann", are used to describe the different ways in which the two novels engage with moral categories and social contextualization of ‘evil’.


Author(s):  
Eran Amsalem ◽  
Alon Zoizner

Abstract In the past three decades, scholars have frequently used the concept of framing effects to assess the competence of citizens' political judgments and how susceptible they are to elite influence. Yet prior framing studies have reached mixed conclusions, and few have provided systematic cumulative evidence. This study evaluates the overall efficacy of different types of framing effects in the political domain by systematically meta-analyzing this large and diverse literature. A combined analysis of 138 experiments reveals that when examined across contexts, framing exerts medium-sized effects on citizens' political attitudes and emotions. However, framing effects on behavior are negligible, and small effects are also found in more realistic studies employing frame competition. These findings suggest that although elites can influence citizens by framing issues, their capacity to do so is constrained. Overall, citizens appear to be more competent than some scholars envision them to be.


2020 ◽  
pp. 179-190
Author(s):  
Michael A. Livermore ◽  
Richard L. Revesz

Although the system of guardrails developed over the past several decades to balance the competing demands of competent administration and accountability to the political process was far from perfect, the Trump administration’s many failures demonstrate the value of this system for the American public. The question facing both political parties is whether they want to, and can, commit themselves to rebuilding the system that Trump inherited. There are many good reasons to believe that guardrails to constrain political influence at agencies is desirable, and good reasons to specifically endorse cost-benefit analysis and centralized review. But the past success of a practice or institution does not guarantee its future existence. It is possible that the party system has shifted in ways that generate incentives for both parties to defect from their prior consensus.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-431
Author(s):  
Chiel van den Akker

AbstractWe do not learn from the past nor from possible analogies between the past and the present. Rather we learn from representations of the past and the insights they offer, for those insights allow us to adopt the political and moral values that we need to plan a future course of action. It follows, so Frank Ankersmit argues, that aesthetics in its sense as a general theory of representation precedes ethics. This essay is concerned with this bold and important thesis. It will do so in the context of the politics of historical representation and the fact–value and subjectivity–objectivity distinctions. The subject was also dear to the heart of Ankersmit’s late American colleague Hayden White. Ankersmit is concerned with how historical representations support a future course of action. White, by contrast, was (also) concerned with how historical representations limit a future course of action since they cannot serve as a basis for utopian politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Akh. Muzakki

In the past decade or so, Islamism as a political concept and perhaps as an ideology has gained strong momentum in Indonesia. The fall of Soeharto after more than three decades in power has helped this ideology to emerge and exert itself particularly in the form of religion oriented political party. This paper is interested in exploring the expression and actualization of Islamism by scrutinizing the political behavior of Justice and Welfare Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera / PKS) during the 2009 presidential election. We are particularly interested in looking at the use of religious symbols and rites by the party for clear political purposes. We argue that Islamism has been manipulated by PKS during that election as a vehicle to gain power. Hence, the main problem that this paper deals with is actually the idea of the politization of religion by a political party claiming to have represented Islam and its noble teaching.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bellamy ◽  
John Greenaway

MANY COMMENTATORS HAVE VIEWED THE CITIZEN'S CHARTER programme as a cynical exercise, having little to do with either the political participation one associates with citizenship or the establishment of a general bill of rights in the manner of the great Charters of the past. Although these criticisms possess some force, they fail to recognize that a distinctive conception of citizenship and rights underlies the initiative. In section one, we give an outline of this view of the citizen and trace its origins in the New Right critique of the social-democratic theory that predominated during the post-war period. This exercise forms a necessary preliminary both for understanding the objectives of the policy, the task of section two, and for assessing its coherence and plausibility, the aim of section three. We shall conclude that the scheme fails because it either substitutes the market for the state where it is inappropriate or omits to do so where it might provejustified. In these respects, the combination of politics and markets from the mixed-economy perspective of the social democratic conception of citizenship may well be superior.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


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