The Nation as a Communal Good: A Nationalist Response to the Liberal Conception of Community

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 665-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siobhan Harty

AbstractRecent work in the field of liberal political philosophy has focused on the value of cultural communities for the individual. The claim that liberal theory can give explicit recognition to the fact that individuals are rooted in a social context has produced an important debate about the preservation of minority cultures and a liberal defence of nationalism. This literature should be of interest to scholars of nationalism because liberal theorists have used concepts related to the nation, such as self-determination, in ways that go against conventional usage, and liberal theorists have made claims about the relationship of the right and the good with which some students of nationalism would disagree. This article presents a nationalist response to the liberal conception of community by developing one possible nationalist argument for the priority of the good over the right by claiming that the nation is a communal good. The author illustrates this argument with examples of the political projects of nationalists-in-government in the developed West. Liberals need not be concerned with this reality since democratic institutions will set some limits on nationalist projects by ensuring that they are the outcome of democratic processes. On this view, the importance of self-determination is that it provides the context for the creation of institutions for a debate about the relationship of the right and the good. Self-determination does not, as some liberal nationalists argue, constitute an automatic right to cultural preservation.

2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shri Krishan

Debates emanate from dualities, situations of conflict, contradictions and paradoxes. Modernity is a paradox of sorts. So too was the colonial experience. Contrary to popular belief, Gandhi looked at the Indian traditions and ways of life from the perspective derived from western modernist epistemology. Our attitude to modernity is bound up, consciously or otherwise, with our perspective on colonialism as the forerunner of modernity. The word ‘modernity’ has varied connotations. In the present context, it is to be understood, chiefly, as western Enlightenment modernity mediated through European colonialism. But the perception of Gandhi and V.D. Savarkar differed regarding western Enlightenment modernity as there were differences of opinion between them on almost every political and social issue and methods of struggle against colonialism. These differences were rooted actually in their understanding of modernity, its epistemologies and variants prevalent in Europe, their relevance for Indian context and national liberation struggle. Gandhi’s may appear to be rooted in indigenous traditions but he also inherited the ‘scientific temper’ and methods and weapons of struggle which ‘modern politics’ has brought to forefront in Europe and America. Savarkar, on the other hand, was influenced by the intellectual trends which forged the weapons for the Right-wing politics in Europe. Gandhi appears to be always open to dialogue even though his position may be very dogmatic on certain issues but Savarkar is free from ambivalences that resurface repeatedly in Gandhi. The reflection is to be found in their political, literary, philosophical and other discourses, providing contexts in which debates unfold concerning customs, laws, religions, languages, generations, regions and ends and means controversy. They underpin controversies over the relationship of the individual to the collective.


e-NERS ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurfiana Matfikih ◽  
Sarah M. Warouw ◽  
Julia Rottie

Abstract: Independence of self is one of the most important aspects that should be possessed by each individual and the child, because in addition to affect performance, it also serves to help achieve the goal of life, achievements, success and earn rewards. Without the support of an independent nature, the individual and the child will be difficult to reach something in the maximum, and it will also be difficult to achieve succes. The  support of parents and the right of parenting, in accordance with conditions expected to establish children in pre-school indepedence in the exercise of an daily personal hygiene. This research to know the relationship of parenting parents with personal hygiene independence to children in pre-school at Kindergarten of Kartika Manado. The design of this study using the cross sectional approach. The method of sampling in this study is a total sampling way that some 50 parents/guardians of students. This study used a questionnaire instrument and analys Chi-Square statistical test at a significance level of 95 %: (α 0,05). The result showed there were 19 samples that had authotitarian parents, 12 samples didn’t have the independence in maintaining personal hygiene and 7 samples are independent. There are 31 samples that have parents democratic, 7 samples don’t have the independence in maintaining personal hygiene and 24 samples are independent. Result of Chi-Square test (X2) at 95 % confidence level (α 0,05), showed an association with parenting parents with personal hygiene independence to children in pre-school at Kindergarten of Kartika Manado, where the value of ρ=0,004, smaller than α=0,05. Democratic parenting was able to indepedence to children to maintain personal hygiene, it’s expected that managers at Kindergarten of Kartika Manado to promote democratic parenting to parents, so that parents can implement it in the family life. Keywords: The Parenting Parents, personal hygiene independence to children in pre-school.     Abstrak: Kemandirian merupakan salah satu aspek terpenting yang harus dimiliki setiap individu dan anak, karena selain dapat mempengaruhi kinerja, juga berfungsi untuk membantu mencapai tujuan hidup, prestasi, kesuksesan serta memperoleh penghargaan. Tanpa didukung oleh sifat mandiri, maka individu maupun anak akan sulit untuk mencapai sesuatu secara maksimal, dan akan sulit pula untuk meraih kesuksesan. Dukungan orangtua serta pola asuh yang tepat, sesuai dengan keadaan anak diharapkan mampu membentuk kemandirian anak pra sekolah dalam pelaksanaan kebersihan perorangan sehari-hari. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan pola asuh orangtua dengan kemandirian kebersihan perorangan pada anak pra sekolah di Taman Kanak-Kanak Kartika Manado. Rancangan penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan cross sectional. Cara pengambilan sampel dalam penelitian ini adalah dengan cara total sampling yaitu sejumlah 50 orangtua/wali siswa. Penelitian ini menggunakan instrumen kuesioner dan dianalisa menggunkan uji statistic Chi-Square pada tingkat kemaknaan 95 %: (α 0,05). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan dari 19 sampel yang memiliki orang tua otoriter, 12 sampel tidak memiliki kemandirian dalam menjaga kebersihan perorangan dan 7 sampel memiliki kemandirian. Dari 31 sampel yang memiliki orang tua demokratis, 7 sampel tidak memiliki kemandirian dalam menjaga kebersihan perorangan dan 24 sampel memiliki kemandirian. Hasil uji Chi Square (X2) pada tingkat  kepercayaan 95% (α 0,05), menunjukkan ada hubungan hubungan pola asuh orangtua dengan kemandirian kebersihan perorangan pada anak pra sekolah di Taman Kanak-Kanak Kartika Manado, dimana nilai ρ= 0,004, lebih kecil dari α=0,05. Pola asuh demokratis ternyata mampu memandirikan anak pra sekolah untuk menjaga kebersihan perorangan, diharapkan agar pengelola Taman Kanak-Kanak Kartika Manado mensosialisasikan pola asuh demokratis kepada orang tua, agar orang tua dapat mengimplementasikannya di dalam kehidupan berkeluarga. Kata Kunci: Pola Asuh Orangtua, Kemandirian Kebersihan Perorangan Anak Pra Sekolah.


Author(s):  
Pace John P

This chapter explores the relevance of the developments in the Commission on Human Rights to the individual—the ultimate measure by which to assess the priorities in the coming years. The introduction of respect for human rights among the fundamental principles of the organization and the establishment of an International Bill of Human Rights were major distinguishing features between the UN Charter and the Covenant of the League of Nations. These provisions placed the individual at the table where only governments sat in matters of international relations. This ‘third dimension’ of international relations gave the Commission on Human Rights a role and responsibility like no other UN body, of dealing directly with individuals. The chapter then addresses the relationship of the Commission with the individual and civil society. Communication from individuals and groups emerged on two principal channels, almost concurrently. One was the handling of communications whose substance was deemed to be relevant to the work of the Commission as it undertook its drafting responsibilities. The other was the right of individuals and groups to petition as an integral component of the measures of implementation. This was the start of the treaty-based complaints mechanisms.


Author(s):  
Igor' Vladimirovich Antonov

The object of this research is the political history of the Ulus of Jochi as a part of the Great Mongol Empire. The subject of this is the Eastern policy of Mengu-Timur – the 6th ruler of the Ulus of Jochi (1266-1282). The author examines such aspects of the topic as the relationship of Mengu-Timur with the rulers of the uluses of Hulagu – Abaga, Chagatay – Borak, Ugedei – Kaidu, decisions made by the representatives of the uluses of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei in Talas Kurultai. Special attention is given to the analysis of relationship between Mengu-Timur and the ruler of the Central Ulus of Kublai, who founded the Yuan Empire. Comparative analysis is conducted on the written sources and scientific works on the topic. The sequence of events is reconstructed in chronological order. The author agrees with his predecessors that Mengu-Timur became the first sovereign ruler of the Ulus of Jochi. The scientific novelty consists in the conclusion that entitlement of Mengu-Timur as independent monarch was not a decision of Talas Kurultai. In Talas Kurultai in 1269 Kaidu was recognized as the leader of the right wing of the Mongol Empire, which included the Ulus of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei. The relations with the Great Khan in Kurultai were not settled, and the independence of uluses was not proclaimed. In the early 1370s, Mengu-Timur was named qayan, i.e. the supreme ruler above the khan. In 1277, Kublai's sons Numugan and Kukju were caught by the rebels, who sent them to Mengu-Timur. He did not support the rebels, but kept the son of Kublai. Since that moment, Mengu-Timur did was not subordinate to Kublai or Haidu, did not interfere into the conflict between them, restraining both of them from military clashes. Although Mengu-Timur maintained peaceful relations with other uluses, he was qayan title was not recognized.


Author(s):  
John White

This chapter considers The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada (2005) in relation to its use of the key Christian concepts of forgiveness of sins and redemption. The central focus of Three Burials is seen as being its recourse to Christian ideas, not only in relation to eternal spiritual questions regarding the relationship of human beings to an all-powerful deity but also in relation to the contemporary historical/political moment. This chapter considers two types of detachment from the world: one in which the individual lives their life in a state of indifference and the other in which the individual exists within a space of thoughtful contemplation. The film moves away from the more normal Hollywood consideration of the world as a space for the contest between good and evil to encourage viewers to question the way in which the Mexican ‘Other’ is (and, by extension, all ‘Others’ are) viewed within the U.S. and represented within the media. Ultimately, however, it is argued the film neglects to consider the economics that underpins the contemporary political situation.


Author(s):  
Iymon Majid

Abstract This paper investigates the framework of Islamist politics of Jama'at e Islami in Indian-administered Kashmir. Even though Jama'at e Islami creates the notion of “other” in the Indian state and challenges it but Kashmir's provincial relationship with India also forces it to work within the limits set up by the same state. This paper, thus, conceptualizes the relationship between Indian state and Islamists in a Muslim Majority region that demands the right to self-determination. In doing so, the paper interrogates Jama'at e Islami's rhetorical opposition to the political doctrine of Indian secularism and raises queries about minority rights and their place in the Islamist project.


Author(s):  
В.П. Позняков

Представлены результаты теоретико-эмпирического исследования взаимосвязей смысложизненных и ценностных ориентаций личности предпринимателей и показателей их экономического самоопределения. Результаты корреляционного анализа показали наличие множественных статистически значимых связей смысложизненных ориентаций предпринимателей с показателями их экономического самоопределения. Наибольшее число обнаружили шкалы «Процесс жизни или интерес и эмоциональная насыщенность жизни» и «Локус контроля - жизнь или управляемость жизни». Высокая значимость ценностей, объединенных Ш. Шварцем в блоки «открытость изменениям» (самостоятельность и стимуляция) и «самовозвышение» (власть и достижения), в сочетании с высокой значимостью ценности «гедонизм», которая, по Шварцу, составляет отдельный блок и включает элементы как открытости изменениям, так и самовозвышения, которые положительно коррелируют с показателями экономического самоопределения, характеризующимися позитивными оценками своей деловой активности и динамики ее изменения, отношения к конкуренции и риску, собственных возможностей в повышении успешности своего бизнеса и успешности своей предпринимательской деятельности. Результаты исследования подтверждают правомерность рассмотрения смысложизненных и ценностных ориентаций личности в качестве факторов самоопределения предпринимателей. The article presents the results of a theoretical and empirical study of the interrelationships of the meaning-life and value orientations of the individual entrepreneurs and the indicators of their economic self-determination. The results of the correlation analysis showed the presence of multiple statistically significant relationships between the meaning-of-life orientations of entrepreneurs and indicators of their economic self-determination. The scales "Life process or interest and emotional saturation of life" and "Locus of control - life or manageability of life" found the greatest number of correlations with indicators of economic self-determination. The high importance values, the United Schwartz block "openness to change" (self-direction and stimulation) and "self-exaltation (power and achievement) combined with high significance values "hedonism", which, according to Schwartz, is a separate unit, and includes elements of both openness to change and self-exaltation, is positively correlated with indicators of economic self-determination, characterized by positive assessments of their business activity and the dynamics of its changes, the relationship of competition and risk, their own opportunities to increase the success of their business and the success of their business activities. The results of the study confirm the validity of considering the meaning of life and value orientations of the individual as factors of self-determination of entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


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