The Southern Funj of the Sudan as a Frontier Society, 1820–1980

2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.C. Jedrej

The long civil war in the Sudan between the government and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) is usually simply described as a war between ‘the Arab North’ and ‘the African South.’ Equally simply, it is understood as a continuation, by new means and in new circumstances, of nineteenth-century and earlier inequalities between free people and unfree people, and of hostilities between slavers and those they preyed upon. In the twentieth century these asymmetries came to be represented by a religious distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims. However, these apparent distinctions between free and unfree, and between Muslim and non-Muslim begin to blur when we ask who is making them. Likewise, at closer inspection, the division into “the Arab North” and “the African South” begins to fragment and reconstitute into a complexity of alliances and interest groups. These complexities become more evident as engagement moves from hostile encounters in the remote vastness of the Sudan to peace negotiations and press conferences in hotels and offices in capital cities. In the latter settings marginalized populations can be heard. Of special here interest are the three culturally ‘southern’ populations whose homelands are in the geo-political North: Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, and South Blue Nile. In January 2003, a public statement, headed “Let us not be denied the right to decide on our future,” was delivered to the North-South peace conference in Kenya by a local NGO, the Relief Organisation of Fazugli (ROOF), on behalf of “the people of South Blue Nile.” It demanded that their representatives, along with those of the Nuba Mountains and Abyei be included in the current peace negotiations.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Betha Rahmasari

This article aims to find out the developmentidea or paradigm through village financial management based on Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. In this study, the researcher used a normative research methodby examining the village regulations in depth. Primary legal materials are authoritatuve legal materials in the form of laws and regulations. Village dependence is the most obvious violence against village income or financial sources. Various financial assistance from the government has made the village dependent on financial sources from the government. The use of regional development funds is intended to support activities in the management of Regional Development organizations. Therefore, development funds should be managed properly and smoothly, as well as can be used effectively to increase the people economy in the regions. This research shows that the law was made to regulate and support the development of local economic potential as well as the sustainable use of natural resources and the environment, and that the village community has the right to obtain information and monitor the planning and implementation of village development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Nuah Perdamenta Tarigan ◽  
Christian Siregar ◽  
Simon Mangatur Tampubolon

Justice that has not existed and is apparent among the disabilities in Indonesia is very large and spread in the archipelago is very large, making the issue of equality is a very important thing especially with the publication of the Disability Act No. 8 of 2016 at the beginning of that year. Only a few provinces that understand properly and well on open and potential issues and issues will affect other areas including the increasingly growing number of elderly people in Indonesia due to the increasing welfare of the people. The government of DKI Jakarta, including the most concerned with disability, from the beginning has set a bold step to defend things related to disability, including local governments in Solo, Bali, Makassar and several other areas. Leprosy belonging to the disability community has a very tough marginalization, the disability that arises from leprosy quite a lot, reaches ten percent more and covers the poor areas of Indonesia, such as Nusa Tenggara Timur, Papua, South Sulawesi Provinces and even East Java and West Java and Central Java Provinces. If we compare again with the ASEAN countries we also do not miss the moment in ratifying the CRPD (Convention of Rights for People with Disability) into the Law of Disability No. 8 of 2016 which, although already published but still get rejections in some sections because do not provide proper empowerment and rights equality. The struggle is long and must be continued to build equal rights in all areas, not only health and welfare but also in the right of the right to receive continuous inclusive education.


Author(s):  
_______ Naveen ◽  
_____ Priti

The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zainal Asikin

This research is aimed at exploring an appropriate solution for various conflicts in land use, particularly in optimizing the utilization of the neglected land in Gili Terawangan, Lombok Island.  This solution is required to avoid potential horizontal conflicts among people, companies and government since 1993. Conflict over land in Lombok Island in general and Gili Terawangan particularly shows several factors; first, the wrong policy in the area of land (especially in tourist areas); second, the infirm attitude of the Party and the Government Land Office in the enforcement of laws; third, the jealousy of Gili Terawangan natives as cultivators; fourth, less responsibility employers (who acquire cultivating right); fifth, the absence of law protection for Gili Terawangan natives; sixth, the arrogant attitude of law enforcement officers. The comprehensive and final resolution to the conflicts of land use could only be achieved if: (i) the people, who already control and use or manage the land from time to time, are provided certainty on managing and optimizing the land based on the principles of welfare, justice, equity, efficiency and sustainability; (ii) the selection and determination of the companies that will be granted the right to cultivate (HGU) and the right to build (HGB) should be conducted based on the transparent principle. In this respect, the government could establish an independent team that involves all components of society and higher education.Key words: land dispute, tourism area, agrarian law.


2018 ◽  
pp. 178-189
Author(s):  
Grishma Soni ◽  
Prachi V. Motiyani

As we all know that food is the basic Human necessity, without which no one can survive. Making food available for all the people in the world is now days becoming a complex issue. The availability food is decreasing as a result of increase in population that will result in food insecurity or malnutrition. Indian constitution interprets the right to food as part of right to life, which is fundamental human right. Change in climate, the impact of globalization, Global Warming, Carbon dioxide emission from fuel etc. also affects the right to food of many people. This paper examines the situation prevailing in India and looks into the obligations and initiatives by the government of India to ensure Right to Food and make suggestions for addressing the issue and examines the possible way to make the scheme workable to achieve food security.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Asjad Ahmed Saeed Balla

This paper tries to review the issue of Arabicization through languages policy in the Sudan by tracing the different periods of the ups and downs of this process in its social and political context. Arabization and Arabicization are two terms used to serve two different purposes. Arabization is the official orientation of the (ruling group) towards creating a pro-Arab environment, by adopting Arabic culture, Arabic language in addition to Islam as main features of Arabizing the Sudanese entity. The mechanism towards imposing this Arabization is through the use of Arabic, as the official language the group (government). Arabicization is an influential word in the history of education in Sudan. The Sudan faced two periods of colonialism before Independence, The Turkish and the Condominium (British-Egyptian) Rule. Through all these phases in addition to the Mahdist period between them, many changes and shifts took place in education and accordingly in the Arabicization process. During the Condominium period, the Christian missions tried strongly to separate the South Region from the North Region, and to achieve this goal the government fought against the Arabic language so it would not create a place among the people of the Southern Sudan. But in spite of all the efforts taken by the colonialists, Arabic language found its place as Lingua Franca among most of the Southern Sudan tribes. After independence, the Arabicization process pervaded education. Recently, the salvation revolution also has used Arabicization on a wider range, but Arabicization is still future project. Both Arabization and Arabicization are still controversial issues. 


1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 976-994 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard E. Brown

“On jongle trop avec la structure d'un Pays qui a été, dans le monde, le défenseur de l'individu, de la liberté, du sens de la mesure. Un petit paysan sur sa terre, n'est-il pas humainement autre chose que le chômeur de demain ou l'ouvrier qui sera condamné à fabriquer toute sa vie des boulons?”Le Betteravier Français, September 1956, page 1.Large-scale state intervention in the alcohol market in France dates from World War I, when the government committed itself to encourage the production of alcohol. Two chief reasons then lay back of this decision: a huge supply of alcohol was needed for the manufacture of gunpowder, and the devastation of the beet-growing regions of the north had severely limited production of beet alcohol, thereby throwing the domestic market out of balance. A law of 30 June 1916, adopted under emergency procedure, established a state agency empowered to purchase alcohol. At the end of the war, a decree of 1919 accorded the government the right “provisionally” to maintain the state monopoly. In 1922 the beetgrowers and winegrowers gave their support to the principle of a state monopoly which, in effect, reserved the industrial market for beet alcohol and the domestic market for viticulture. In 1931 the state was authorized to purchase alcohol distilled from surplus wine.


1834 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M‘Murdo

The author of the Tohfat-al-Giráni states, that “the country of Sindh takes its name from Sind, the brother of Hind, the son of Noah. It is reckoned the forty-third of the sixty-one countries of the universe. The line of the second climate passes, from the north, directly through its centre; and although Sindh is situated in the five first climates, it nevertheless chiefly appertains to the second, and, consequently, lies in the region of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.” It would be difficult to discover where the author quoted has found these grandsons of the patriarch; indeed, as is usual in such genealogies, they are probably altogether imaginary. The Hindú writings may, perhaps, afford some more satisfactory explanation of the name; but I have not been so fortunate as to meet with it. As far as I can learn from such sources, this country was called Sindhúdès, or “the country of the ocean,” alluding doubtless to the river Indus, which receives that dignified appellation in their sacred writings. The same authorities also state Sindh to have been governed by a Xhuthi, named Jayadrat'ha, who was slain in the civil wars of the Pandús; and it has, in consequence, sometimes received the name of Jayadrat'hadès, after that chieftain.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rewa Singh

“Why do we have to pay the price of poverty? We didn’t create poverty, adults did.” This might be the sentiment of every child who is forced to work at an age when he or she deserves to go to school unlike the fellow kids who are born in a family that can afford to give them a decent childhood. Child Labor is the single most damaging impediment on the road to achieving the goal of development and the purpose of this paper is to show the obstacles that this social evil poses in the path to development. The study used Exploratory, rather unstructured research design and instruments such as case studies and life histories. The study indicates that the government of India has taken some strict measures to eradicate this evil such as the passing of the Right to Education Bill, illegalization of employment of children under the age of 14 years, schemes like “Sarva Siksha Abhiyan” (Education for all campaign), free afternoon meal and so on. But on the ground level their implementation is shoddy due to (as bureaucrats would put it) practical problems. The problem is of course, in the system but it has more to do with the mindsets of the people too. There are people who speak against child labor in India and back at their own house or office, many of them will have at least one child working for them. People need to realize that what a waste of talent and a major obstacle to a country’s development, Child Labor is.   Keywords - Children. Child labor India. Social evil. Illegal employment.


Subject Mexico's trade unions. Significance On September 11, the head of Mexico’s main business lobby Coparmex called on Congress to advance several pending issues relating to labour reform before the 2018 elections, including legislation on labour relations, union regulation and collective bargaining contracts. The call comes as the government attempts to resist pressure from Washington and Ottawa to address labour disparities as part of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) renegotiations. Impacts Government and business will oppose any NAFTA alterations that might harm Mexico’s comparative advantages. Union leaders will resist strengthening the right to free association, which would allow workers to opt for alternative unions. The Confederation of Workers of Mexico will put pressure on its more than 11,000 affiliated unions to vote for the PRI in 2018. The independent National Union of Workers will call on affiliates to support leftist options. Discontent has increased among unionised workers, who will not necessarily vote along the same lines as the leaders.


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