scholarly journals Art. XX.—An Account of the Country of Sindh; with Remarks on the State of Society, the Government, Manners, and Customs of the People

1834 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M‘Murdo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
The State ◽  
Satisfactory Explanation ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
River Indus ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Universe

The author of the Tohfat-al-Giráni states, that “the country of Sindh takes its name from Sind, the brother of Hind, the son of Noah. It is reckoned the forty-third of the sixty-one countries of the universe. The line of the second climate passes, from the north, directly through its centre; and although Sindh is situated in the five first climates, it nevertheless chiefly appertains to the second, and, consequently, lies in the region of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.” It would be difficult to discover where the author quoted has found these grandsons of the patriarch; indeed, as is usual in such genealogies, they are probably altogether imaginary. The Hindú writings may, perhaps, afford some more satisfactory explanation of the name; but I have not been so fortunate as to meet with it. As far as I can learn from such sources, this country was called Sindhúdès, or “the country of the ocean,” alluding doubtless to the river Indus, which receives that dignified appellation in their sacred writings. The same authorities also state Sindh to have been governed by a Xhuthi, named Jayadrat'ha, who was slain in the civil wars of the Pandús; and it has, in consequence, sometimes received the name of Jayadrat'hadès, after that chieftain.

The Colored Vote: The South

2008 ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
Material Change ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This chapter discusses the colored vote in the South, presenting the reason for the sanguinary revolution which resulted in the overthrow of the Republican state government in the state of Mississippi in 1875. What was true of Mississippi at that time was largely true of the other reconstructed states where similar results subsequently followed. When the War of the Rebellion came to an end, it was believed by some and apprehended by others that serious and radical changes in the previous order of things would necessarily follow. But when what was known as the Johnson plan of reconstruction was disclosed, it was soon made plain that if that plan should be accepted by the country no material change would follow, for the reason, chiefly, that the abolition of slavery would have been only in name. It was the rejection of the Johnson plan of reconstruction that upset these plans and destroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was not only rejected, but what was known as the congressional plan of reconstruction, by which suffrage was conferred upon the colored men in all the states that were to be reconstructed, was accepted by the people of the North as the permanent policy of the government and thus made the basis of reconstruction and readmission of those states into the Union.

Hukum Denda dalam Keuangan Publik Islam di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.

Formation of the research tradition of studying the institute Parliamentarism as a mechanism for the establishment of democracy

2017 ◽  
pp. 187-198
Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Research Tradition ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Regimes

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

Serving the state or serving the people? The dilemma of social work graduates in Mainland China

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajendra Baikady ◽  
Cheng Shengli ◽  
Gao Jianguo
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The State ◽  
Postgraduate Students ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Function ◽  
Work Education ◽  
Schools Of Social Work ◽  
Depth Interviews

This article reports on the result of an exploratory qualitative study with in-depth interviews conducted with postgraduate students in Chinese universities. The data were collected from five schools of social work, covering three provincial-level administrative regions of Beijing, Shanghai and Shandong. The principal aim of this article is to understand the development of social work and student perspectives on the government’s role in social work development and the function of social work in China. The study shows that Chinese social work is still developing, and the expansion and function of social work education and practice is mandated by the state. Despite a robust authoritarian hold by the government, the study finds hope among the graduate students about the mission and future of social work in China.

scholarly journals Merebaknya Intoleransi (Hate Speech dan Hate Crime) dalam Politik Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.

scholarly journals Dominasi dan ketidakadilan negara dan korporasi dalam kasus bencana lumpur Lapindo

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Oman Sukmana
Keyword(s):  
Resource Management ◽  
State Government ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The State ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
Disaster Victims ◽  
The People ◽  
Data Collection Process ◽  
The Government

The domination of the state (government) and Corporate (PT LBI) in the oil and gas resource management lead Lapindo mudflow disaster that caused misery to the people. This study aims to assess the forms of domination and injustice by the state (government) and the corporation in the case of Lapindo mudflow disaster, and how Lapindo mudflow disaster victims negotiate (resist) against the state (government) and corporations in an effort to fight for their rights. This study used a qualitative approach with case study. Subjects and informantsresearch include: (1) Lapindo mudflow disaster victims; (2) group coordinator of Lapindo mudflow disaster victims; (3) Public figures Siring village, Tanggulangin, Renokenongo, Jabon, and Jatirejo, Porong district, Sidoarjo; (4) Representation of the corporation (PT. LBI); and (5) Representation of BPLS. The data collection process using the in-deepth interviews, observation, focus group discussions, and review documents. Stage processing and data analysis includes the coding process, memoing, and concept mapping. The results showed that the government (the state) and the corporation (PT LBI) action dominating the oil and gas resource management in the area of Porong district, Sidoarjo regency, East Java, resulting misery for the victims (people). Forms of injustice felt by residents Lapindo mudflow disaster victims not only related to the issue of compensation for land and building assets alone, but more than that, including various dimensions. Through a variety of collective action, such as demonstrations and negotiations, Lapindo mudflow disaster victims filed various charges, such as demands for payment of compensation for land and building assets destroyed.

scholarly journals Tuareg-Rebellion, Islamismus und Staatskrise in Mali

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (170) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Greven
Keyword(s):  
Social Relationship ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Spontaneous Reaction

The root causes of the ongoing crisis in Northern Mali lie in the region’s underdevelopment, exacerbated by longstanding, if recently decreasing, neglect of the central government; the complex social relationship between the largest minority, the Tuareg, and the majority population, which has worsened since a largely unresolved crisis in the 1990s; and the growing interest of a small but growing number of actors involved in the drug trade and other criminal activities in the absence of the state. Among the latter have been a growing number of Jihadists, at first mostly from Algeria, who have been taking Western citizens hostage and therefore caused the US and France to pressure the Malian government to re-establish a presence of the state in the North. The clash was all but inevitable when several thousand heavily armed Tuareg fighters came to Mali after the defeat of Gaddafi in Libya. A new element of the crisis is the growing number of jihadists among the Tuareg rebels and other Malians, but neither Tuareg irredentism nor Islamic fundamentalism has more than minority support in Mali, Northern Mali, or among the Tuareg. The coup d’état against the president, while most likely a spontaneous reaction to the inability of the government to fight the rebellion, uncovered a structural crisis of Malian democracy and society. The disintegration of Mali’s long-praised formal democratic institutions after the coup showed fundamental problems. However, political supporters of the coup who assumed that the population’s tacit support of the coup could be turned into a movement for fundamental social change, had to find that it was largely an opportunistic and diffuse expression of general discontent.

scholarly journals Lack Of Basic Education Accessibility In The Periphery Area Of Indonesia (A Research in Takirin Village, Tasifeto Timur Sub-District, Belu Regency, NTT Province - Indonesia)

2019 ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
M. N. B. C. Neolaka ◽  
Rikhardus S. Klau ◽  
Metriani Epifania Nahak
Keyword(s):  
Basic Education ◽  
Educational Institution ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Education Services ◽  
Remote Areas ◽  
Basic Rights ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village

The presence of a school in the village is a sign of the concrete presence of the State to fulfill the basic rights of the community in the field of education. Remembering that schools always assume interaction with other elements of society such as parents, students, religious institutions and village governments, their presence also demands responsibility and involvement of all parties at the grassroots in synergic cooperation. Only through quality cooperation involving all parties, an educational institution can become the backbone of a society's progress. Quality cooperation can be evaluated by looking at how the community responds to the concrete problems they face in the field. One of the fundamental problems commonly found in remote areas of Indonesia is the low access to basic education services. By recognizing and identifying problems that occur in their own environment, people are encouraged to recognize violations of their basic rights. In turn, the people themselves are encouraged to collect their rights to the Government and at the same time are aware of being actively involved in development.

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