III. Lord Macaulay, 1800–59

1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160
Author(s):  
Andrew Browning

It was the fortune of Thomas Babington Macaulay to be born into a chaotic world; to grow to manhood amidst constant wars, revolutions, counterrevolutions and reform movements scarcely distinguishable from revolutions; to take a leading part in some of these movements at home and in India, and to be an eye-witness of others in France; to live long enough to see the gradual return of stability on a foundation holding out the brightest hopes for the future, and to die early enough to escape even the first faint indication that these hopes were not to be fulfilled. He was born (on the anniversary of the battle of Agincourt, as he loved to recall) between the fall of the republic in France and the rise of Napoleon to despotic authority. He entered Trinity College, Cambridge, with which he and his family were to have so long and so distinguished an association, between the battle of Waterloo and the battle of Peterloo. He attained his majority amidst the revolutions of 1821, entered Parliament amidst the revolutions of 1830, and published the first two volumes of his History amidst the revolutions of 1848. He was still at the height of his powers when the Great Exhibition of 1851 was hailed as ushering in a new era of peace and prosperity, and died eight years later, just in time to avoid witnessing the series of wars which marked the third quarter of the nineteenth century and the beginning of that bitter commercial rivalry and international tension which foreshadowed the eventual collapse.

Author(s):  
William H. McNeill

IN THE LATTER part of the nineteenth century, east coast city dwellers in the United States had difficulty repressing a sense of their own persistent cultural inferiority vis-à-vis London and Paris. At the same time a great many old-stock Americans were dismayed by the stream of immigrants coming to these shores whose diversity called the future cohesion of the Republic into question almost as seriously as the issue of slavery had done in the decades before the Civil War. In such a climate of opinion, the unabashed provinciality of Frederick Jackson Turner's (1861-1932) paper "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," delivered at a meeting of the newly founded American Historical Association in connection with the World Columbian Exposition in Chicago (1892), began within less than a decade to resound like a trumpet call, though whether it signalled advance or retreat remained profoundly ambiguous....


Author(s):  
Robert S. Lehman

The Introduction examines three moments that have proven foundational for the fraught relationship between poetry and history. The first occurs in the fourth century B. C. in Aristotle’s Poetics, the earliest attempt to provide a systematic definition of the structure and effects of poetry and, consequently, the origin of all later crises of verse. The second appears in Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire, a text that offers a complicated poetic response to a moment of crisis in Marx’s own historical method. The third appears in the early writings of Friedrich Nietzsche, where, against the onset of the nineteenth-century science of history, the demand to see history become poetry is made explicit. Focusing on these three moments, the Introduction establishes the intellectual-historical coordinates of the poetico-historical problem that T. S. Eliot and Walter Benjamin inherit.


Author(s):  
Tom F. Wright

Chapter 4 explores the idea of the “choreography of reform” in performances by the Horace Mann and Horace Greeley. Upon returning from a tour of Britain in 1845, Mann felt compelled to tell his fellow Americans about the failings of the English education system. Five years later, Greeley returned from the 1851 Great Exhibition, proclaiming that he had witnessed the future. They toured the United States over the course of the next decade performing pieces that cast them as seers and oracles, using British futurity as a means of imagining starkly distinct national futures for the republic. In doing so, they transformed their findings into elaborate oratorical tours de force that reveal the blending of social science and sentiment in lecture hall reform rhetoric. This chapter uses their performances to show how transatlantic reformers transitioned not only between print and public speech, but also between strikingly different discourses and registers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-36
Author(s):  
Gayane Makhmourian

NAKHIJEVAN REGION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE TREATY OF MOSCOW AND OF THE RUSSIAN–TURKISH–AZERBAIJANIAN RELATIONS IN 1920-1921 As it was necessary for the Kemalist Turkey to abolish the results of the Treaty of Sèvres, it came to an understanding with the Soviet Russia and gained assistance of its Red Army. Thus, the Turkish detachments returned into Nakhijevan on July 28, 1920, though they were driven out of it earlier by the forces of the Republic of Armenia. The latter one agreed to consider this district a "contestable" territory and adopted the deployment of the Bolshevik Army in it. Taking into account the fatal course of the Turkish-Armenian War of 1920, the official Yerevan did not reject on October 28 the future referendum in Nakhijevan; and the RSFSR accepted the unshakeable right of Armenia in regard to this district. However, the Alexandropol Treaty was signed on December 2, and the Republic of Armenia referred a conduct of referendum and control over the whole area to the Turkish Army. This Treaty deprived Armenia of the sovereign rights regarding Nakhijevan. Subsequent stubbornness of Turkey, together with its contribution to the Sovietization of Azerbaijan, produced the Treaty of Moscow, signed on March 16/18, 1921. This transaction grossly violated the international law and without participance of the third party – independent, though sovietized but mutinous Armenia, had transferred trusteeship over Nakhijevan to Azerbaijan. On October 13, 1921, Armenia got a tiny territorial cession, sanctioned the Treaty of Kars and recognized the new status of Nakhijevan.


1945 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-479
Author(s):  
Francis Borgia Steck

A New era in the history of nineteenth-century Mexico began with the collapse of the Second Empire in 1867 and the re-founding of the Republic. Naturally, the first decade or so of this new era were years of transition. Then followed what is correctly termed the Díaz era, ending in 1910 with the overthrow of President Porfirio Díaz who for so many years, beginning in 1876, controlled the political affairs of Mexico and by his policy of peace, as González Peña points out, made it possible for Mexican literature to flower as it never had flowered before. For the Church, too, despite the existing “Reform” laws, the policy of Diaz meant comparative peace and greater freedom of action in promoting the common good of the nation. Correspondingly, as might be expected, Catholic “conservatives” in matters of religion began to feel more at ease also in the temple of Mexican culture and participated with renewed enthusiasm in the literary life of their native land.


Urban History ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUCY E. HEWITT

ABSTRACT:We currently know civic societies as a widespread part of the amenity lobby, yet their history is little explored. Focusing on the emergence and growth of civic societies before 1960, this article examines some of that history. The first section provides a background context, linking civic groups to shifting ideas about architecture and space, and to reform movements of the nineteenth century. The second section explores the growth in numbers of associations and their memberships. The third section develops a discussion of the ideas and activities of societies, focusing particularly on their articulation of social and spatial interconnection, their use of a prescriptive urban aesthetic and their political influence.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 455-468
Author(s):  
Hartwig Berger

The article discusses the future of mobility in the light of energy resources. Fossil fuel will not be available for a long time - not to mention its growing environmental and political conflicts. In analysing the potential of biofuel it is argued that the high demands of modern mobility can hardly be fulfilled in the future. Furthermore, the change into using biofuel will probably lead to increasing conflicts between the fuel market and the food market, as well as to conflicts with regional agricultural networks in the third world. Petrol imperialism might be replaced by bio imperialism. Therefore, mobility on a solar base pursues a double strategy of raising efficiency on the one hand and strongly reducing mobility itself on the other.


EMJ Radiology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filippo Pesapane

Radiomics is a science that investigates a large number of features from medical images using data-characterisation algorithms, with the aim to analyse disease characteristics that are indistinguishable to the naked eye. Radiogenomics attempts to establish and examine the relationship between tumour genomic characteristics and their radiologic appearance. Although there is certainly a lot to learn from these relationships, one could ask the question: what is the practical significance of radiogenomic discoveries? This increasing interest in such applications inevitably raises numerous legal and ethical questions. In an environment such as the technology field, which changes quickly and unpredictably, regulations need to be timely in order to be relevant.  In this paper, issues that must be solved to make the future applications of this innovative technology safe and useful are analysed.


Author(s):  
M. Şükrü Hanioğlu

This chapter discusses Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's childhood in the ancient Macedonian capital of Salonica. The future founder of the Turkish Republic was born one winter, either in 1880 or in 1881. His upbringing was more liberal than that of most lower-class Muslims. No one in his family's circle of friends and relatives, for instance, practiced polygamy. Likewise, his father reportedly drank alcohol, which was abhorred by conservatives. The confusing dualism produced in Ottoman society by the reforms of the nineteenth century had its first imprint on Mustafa when his parents entered into a heated argument about his education. There is little doubt that Mustafa Kemal's deep-seated predilection for new institutions and practices owed much to his years as one of a handful of students in the empire who had their primary education at a private elementary school devoid of a strong religious focus.


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