Diplomacy and domestic politics: the logic of two-level games

1988 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Putnam
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
European Community ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Panama Canal ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Treaty Negotiations ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Political Game

Domestic politics and international relations are often inextricably entangled, but existing theories (particularly “state-centric” theories) do not adequately account for these linkages. When national leaders must win ratification (formal or informal) from their constituents for an international agreement, their negotiating behavior reflects the simultaneous imperatives of both a domestic political game and an international game. Using illustrations from Western economic summitry, the Panama Canal and Versailles Treaty negotiations, IMF stabilization programs, the European Community, and many other diplomatic contexts, this article offers a theory of ratification. It addresses the role of domestic preferences and coalitions, domestic political institutions and practices, the strategies and tactics of negotiators, uncertainty, the domestic reverberation of international pressures, and the interests of the chief negotiator. This theory of “two-level games” may also be applicable to many other political phenomena, such as dependency, legislative committees, and multiparty coalitions.

Political Generations in American Politics: Insights from Research in International Relations

The Forum ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Luecke
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
International Relations ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Socially Constructed ◽  
Political Generations ◽  
Push Forward ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Further Development

AbstractThe last decade has witnessed renewed interest in the concept of political generations and the role of generations in foreign and domestic politics. The purpose of this article is to discuss a number of patterns and insights concerning political generations in American politics that derive from my own research in international relations. In pursuit of this goal, I summarize a theory of political generations and explain how it was applied empirically. In the second half of the essay, I discuss what generational analysis might tell us about the study of political change and stability, the presidency, voters, social movements, parties, and bureaucracies. Finally, I briefly engage the methodological problems that can arise from the fact that political generations are in important respects socially constructed through public discourses, in the context of the work on the “Millennial Generation” conducted by the Pew Research Center. While this article can only suggest patterns and initial ideas for further development and research, the hope is that it will help to push forward research on political generations across disciplinary sub-fields.

Migration and International Relations: Cooperation and Control in the European Community

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 568-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
James F. Hollifield
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Migration ◽  
European Community ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
And Control

International migration in the post-World War II period raises many questions for the study of international relations. The movement of individuals across national borders clearly affects relations between states, and it has had in some cases dramatic effects on the internal politics of states, particularly the liberal democracies of Western Europe. But despite its importance, theorists of international relations have yet to develop a framework for understanding international migration. Attention has been focused either on the economics (push-pull) or the politics (policies) of migration, without any clear attempt to examine the way in which the interaction of politics and markets affects migration. Special attention is given to the role of international institutions—such as the European Community—in regulating population movements, and to the prospects for the development of migration “regimes” in Europe and North America. The author finds that international migration reveals a contradiction between the main economic purpose of the postwar international order—to promote exchange—and the national perquisites of sovereignty and citizenship.

International Relations Theory and the Relationship across the Taiwan Strait

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Scott L. Kastner
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
International Relations Theory ◽  
Taiwan Strait ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Dyadic Relationship ◽  
The Cross ◽  
Triangular Relationship ◽  
The Taiwan Strait

The purpose of this state-of-the-field article is to take stock of the use of international relations theory in the study of cross-Strait relations since 2000. To what degree have studies of cross-Strait relations made use of international relations theory since 2000, and to what degree has international relations theory provided useful insights for understanding Beijing–Taipei relations? I focus my attention on five topics in particular: the prospects for armed conflict in the Taiwan Strait; alliance/alignment politics and the u.s.–China–Taiwan triangular relationship; interactions between domestic politics (in Taipei and Beijing) and the cross-Strait dyadic relationship; cross-Strait economic integration in the shadow of political conflict; and the role of psychology, emotion, and identity in shaping cross-Strait interactions. For each topic, I survey recent studies that apply rigorous international relations theory to the cross-Strait relationship, and where appropriate I make suggestions for further development.

How do international norms matter? The impact of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women in Italy

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-241
Author(s):  
Alessia Donà
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Case Law ◽  
International Norms ◽  
Central Question ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Domestic Legislation ◽  
Italian Politics ◽  
The Impact

The role of the international norms in domestic politics is a central question in international relations. This article examines the major international treaty on the human rights of women, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women, and its impact on Italian politics, specifically on domestic legislation, case law and civil society activism, and institutional structure. The research contributes to the general debate on international norms diffusion and implementation, and identifies the factors which enable states to comply with these norms.

scholarly journals Pakistan’s Politics of Alliances and the Role of Pakistani Military in Politics (1954-1958): Uneven and Combined Development

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Ali Jibran ◽  
Syed Ali Shah ◽  
Muhammad Bilal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Uneven And Combined Development ◽  
The Impact

The states have to adjust to the pressure exerted by the 'international'; yet impact of the 'international' on national politics has been ignored by mainstream international relations theories. This study uses a framework of "Uneven and Combined Development" to investigate the impact of Pakistan's inclusion in the United States led defense pacts on Pakistan military's role in domestic politics from 1954 to 1958. The central finding of this research is that the United States preferred Pakistan military over political leadership in Pakistan to checkmate communism in Asia as well as to stop communist political parties gaining power in Pakistan. By participating in these international pacts, the role of Pakistan military expanded in politics which culminated in the first martial law (1958).

scholarly journals The Costs of Global Leadership and Neighborhood International Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-34
Author(s):  
L. Bliakher
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Personal Communication ◽  
Space Structure ◽  
International Space ◽  
The World ◽  
New Type ◽  
Neighborhood Politics ◽  
Global World

The article examines the trends in international relations that have emerged in recent years, including during the pandemic. According to the author, a clear international space structure in the vein of Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-system, with equally clear rules of the game in such space is associated with the presence of an enforcer. The enforcer here is a country or group of countries that impose certain forms of communication on the international space, making the behavior of agents of the international political space predictable. Such a position for the enforcer, among other things, makes it possible to obtain benefi ts (material and status ones) that exceed its costs. This situation was not least determined by the relative homogeneity of the international space actors (States). However, in reality, as shown in the article, there are many more variants of polities in the world, which, under certain conditions, were convenient to imitate state political institutions. The conditions change is leading to actualization of such polities. The actualization of diversity results in a sharp escalation of the enforcer’s costs, a drop in their eff ectiveness and the attractiveness of the enforcer’s position itself. The leader bears more and more signifi cant costs ceases to perform its functions. Here, in place of the institutional system set by the enforcer, comes a diff erent way of organizing international relations – interpersonal trust, which arises and is strengthened by personal communication. Until recently, such “decisionmakers’ clubs” were not as bright as the enforcer, but they connected the global world. However, the pandemic also disrupts this type of communication or rather complicates it. As a result, the hierarchy of problems changes. The problems of domestic politics and the international problems that aff ect them come to the fore. Global politics is being replaced by “neighborhood” politics. In the age of the world without a global leader and regional players rivalry, tomorrows “weight” of one country depends on how eff ectively it will be able to fi t in the new type of political structure.

23. Conclusion: Towards a Globalizing, Post- Western-Dominated World

2020 ◽  
pp. 534-550
Author(s):  
Stephanie Lawson
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Philosophy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The World

This chapter summarizes the text’s various arguments. It first considers the relationships between the study of political philosophy, political institutions, and international relations and suggests that the study of politics cannot be divorced from the study of other social sciences such as economics, sociology, psychology, philosophy, law, and history. It also contends that the study of politics should be seen as a genuinely international and comparative enterprise and explains how trends in globalization have further eroded the distinctions between domestic and international politics and between the domestic politics of individual nation-states. Finally, it discusses the rise of the so-called ‘new medievalism’, a scenario in which the world is moving towards greater anarchy; signs that global power is shifting from the West to the East; and developments showing that domestic politics and international relations are mutating.

scholarly journals THE PLEBISCITI CONCEPT OF A NATION BY ERNEST RENAN

2021 ◽  
pp. 82-89
Author(s):  
Roman Korshuk
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Causal Analysis ◽  
National Community ◽  
History Of ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Common

The article analyses the concept of the nation of the French thinker Ernest Renan. The role of objective factors in nation-building processes is considered, the inadmissibility of absolutisation of the role of these factors in the formation of the nation is indicated. The reasons for E. Renan's criticism of the identification of nation and race are investigated. In particular, the anti-scientific and anti-democratic nature of such identification is pointed out. The concept of the nation as a daily plebiscite and its connection with the common history and destiny is analysed. The importance of the national idea in the process of nation formation is pointed out. In particular, the role of national myths, the myths of the "victim nation" and the "hero nation", and historical oblivion in the processes of nation-building is analysed. The results of the study were obtained by applying the following methods: structural and functional - to analyse the role of objective and subjective factors influencing the processes of nation-building, their relationship; comparative - to compare the importance of territory, dynasty, statehood, common interests, race, language, religion and national identity in the process of nation-building; institutional method - for the analysis of the daily plebiscite as a process of mental and socio-political institutionalisation of the collective will, which is the basis for the continuous reproduction of the national community; causal analysis - to reveal the specific historical circumstances of the formation of the plebiscite concept of the nation of E. Renan, in particular the influence on the formation of his views on the consequences of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. Ernest Renan entered the history of the development of socio-political thought as the author of the concept of the nation, which is a combination of psychological, historical and democratic elements. Renan's concept organically combines national identity as the basis of the nation with the democratic nature of national choice (daily plebiscite). This combination forms nationally conscious citizens who together make up the nation and embody its collective will. The existence of nations as the collective wills of nationally conscious individuals is the key to the law in domestic politics and international relations.

Conclusion: Towards a Globalizing, Post-Western-Dominated World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Ferdinand
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Philosophy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The World

This chapter summarizes the text's various arguments. It first considers the relationships between the study of political philosophy, political institutions, and international relations and suggests that the study of politics cannot be divorced from the study of other social sciences such as economics, sociology, psychology, philosophy, law, and history. It also contends that the study of politics should be seen as a genuinely international and comparative enterprise and explains how trends in globalization have further eroded the distinctions between domestic and international politics and between the domestic politics of individual nation-states. Finally, it discusses the rise of the so-called ‘new medievalism’, a scenario in which the world is moving towards greater anarchy; signs that global power is shifting from the West to the East; and developments showing that domestic politics and international relations are mutating.

4. The Middle East since the Cold War: The multi-layered (in)security Dilemma

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bahgat Korany
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Dilemma ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Arab Spring

This chapter examines the evolving regional security situation in the Middle East since the end of the Cold War. While longstanding issues like the Arab–Israeli conflict and the nuclearization of Iran still characterize the regional security context, the biggest game changer has been a series of domestic events that came to be known as the Arab Spring. The chapter considers old and new security challenges — economic, political, and social — faced by the Middle East during the period, focusing on the role of ‘intermestics’: the close connection between the international and domestic politics of the region. It also explores other key themes that have come to dominate the contemporary international relations of the region, including oil, globalization, and religio-politics. Finally, it discusses the notion of ‘Arab exceptionalism’ and the winds of change that continue to persist throughout the region.

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