scholarly journals The Culture of Poverty in Paris on the Eve of the Revolution

1967 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffry Kaplow

At the very beginning of the investigation, it is necessary to find a word to describe the European masses before the coming of the twin revolutions, the French and Industrial, that have contributed so much to the making of the modern world. “Proletariat” is clearly anachronistic; “wage-earners” is inadequate in a society where cash wages were far from being the most common form of payment for labor. “Working class” is too much identified with nineteenth century developments and, what is worse, conjures up an image of a homogeneous group that does not conform to eighteenth century realities. “Laboring poor” is by far the best, for it emphasizes two primary facts about the people with whom we are concerned: first, that, to one extent or another, they earned their living by doing manual labor, and, second, that they were being continuously impoverished, as Professor Labrousse has shown. The category has several virtues as a tool of historical analysis. It is large enough to take account of the complexities of eighteenth century social conditions, stressing the mobility and social intercourse that existed, albeit on a diminishing scale, between the master artisans and shopkeepers, their apprentices and journeymen on the one hand, and the domestics, beggars, criminals and floating elements in the population, on the other.Classes laborieusesandclasses dangereuseslived side by side and recruited their personnel from one another. They did in fact form a whole, whom contemporaries called“les classes inférieures”. If we look toward the future, we see that the French Revolution Was to bring about a temporary split in their ranks by politicizing those among them who became the sans-culottes, and that the Industrial Revolution was to complete this division on other bases by allowing some of the laboring poor to become petty capitalists, While forcing the majority to become proletarians or to fall further still into the nether world of the lumpen-proletariat. In sum, the use of the concept of the laboring poor enables us to come close to the reality of eighteenth century paris and to watch the disagregation of that reality with the passage of time.

1978 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
Albert C. Smith

For the people of the Third World, nationhood in the twentieth century frequently demands the solution of a dual complexity: on the one hand, a search for an identity long suppressed by colonialism; and on the other hand, an effort to come to terms with the problems engendered by often violent entry into modernity. The challenge presented by this quest for self-identity and self-determination is at once paradoxical and parallel. Under foreign domination the colonized is denied his past, his real history; in addition he is forbidden any role in the making of his future. No wonder then that modern revolutionary movements stress the necessity for recovering the colonized's indigenous background — his roots — as a necessary corollary to independence and the eradication of colonialism.In a sense the student of history also shares in the problem. Particularly is this true of students in North African history for in the pursuit of knowledge about the Maghrib's past and present, where does one turn historiographically? For purposes of organization only, three prospective “schools” of historical analysis are considered here: colonialist, nationalist, and Western. In suggesting these three “schools,” I make no attempt to be inclusive; many other variations are possible. The model used here is presented simply as a guide to complement the discussion which follows.The aspiring historian may first seek truth in history as written by the colonialist. In most instances, however, this will prove inadequate because the colonizer usually relegates the pre-colonial past to obscurity; history under dynamic colonialism or protectionism is inevitably seen as forever enlightened whereas independence is chaotic and despotic, if the colonizer bothers to write about the reborn nation at all.


1922 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 101-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwen. Whale

The Whig interpretations of the English Constitution based on the doctrine of executive responsibility to Parliament, as established by the Revolution of 1688 and Locke's vindication of that event, were crystallised and defined by eighteenth-century political practice, eulogised and expounded by Montesquieu and Blackstone, and asserted and elaborated by Junius and Burke. But they were subjected to criticism at least two decades before the Revolution in France stimulated political speculation and inspired demands for reform. Long before the outburst of reforming enthusiasm expressed in the activities of the Revolution Society, the London Corresponding Society and the Society of Friends of the People, which was kindled by the opening episodes of the French Revolution, there was in England a well-established movement for parliamentary reform.


Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

The nineteenth century saw the emergence of both nationalism and archaeology as a professional discipline. The aim of this chapter is to show how this apparent coincidence was not accidental. This discussion will take us into uncharted territory. Despite the growing literature on archaeology and nationalism (Atkinson et al. 1996; Díaz-Andreu & Champion 1996a; Kohl & Fawcett 1995; Meskell 1998), the relationship between the two during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries has yet to be explored. The analysis of how the past was appropriated during this era of the revolutions, which marked the dawn of nationalism, is not helped by the specialized literature available on nationalism, as little attention has been paid to these early years. Most authors dealing with nationalism focus their research on the mid to late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when the ideas that emerged during the era of the revolutions bore fruit and the balance between civic and ethnic nationalism (i.e. between a nationalism based on individual rights and the sovereignty of the people within the nation and another built on the common history and culture of the members of the nation) definitively shifted towards the latter. The reluctance to scrutinize the first years of nationalism by experts in the field may be a result of unease in dealing with a phenomenon which some simply label as patriotism. The term nationalism was not often used at the time. The political scientist Tom Nairn (1975: 6) traced it back to the late 1790s in France (it was employed by Abbé Baruel in 1798). However, its use seems to have been far from common, to the extent that other scholars believed it appeared in 1812. In other European countries, such as England, ‘nationalism’ was first employed in 1836 (Huizinga 1972: 14). Despite this disregard for the term itself until several decades later, specialists in the Weld of nationalism consider the most common date of origin as the end of the eighteenth century with the French Revolution as the key event in its definition.


Author(s):  
Michael Rapport

This article describes many facets of the French Revolution. The French Revolution introduced parliamentary government to France, but it was only “an apprenticeship in democracy,” the first step towards modern, democratic politics, not its consummation. François Furet has controversially argued that the values and practices of democracy were not definitively embedded in France until the consolidation of the Third Republic in the 1870s, which he describes as “the French Revolution coming into port.” A continuing focus of research, therefore, are the ways in which the people entered politics outside the formal processes, namely in the dramatic expansion in civil society, which had been developing since the mid-eighteenth century, but which in the Revolution flowered with the collapse of censorship, empowering a wide cross-section of French society.


Author(s):  
Harshad Madawane M, Lunagariya

The word Vihara implies the life supporting activities. The main cause of stressful life is improper usage of Vihara. The Vihara gives more emphasis on prevention and maintenance of health. Ayurveda plays an important role in the management of various diseases and lifestyle disorders and help the people to come out of the various health ailments. The aim of Ayurveda is to achieve the four Purusharthas (Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha). These can only be achieved through good health and the good health can be achieved through Ayurveda. The importance of Vihara is being underestimated in the fast moving modern world. The customs in activity, the ways of sleeping, travelling, eating habits of the fast moving modern world. The present literary study implies an unique effort towards creating awareness about Vihara for healthy life with the help of Sushruta Samhita.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 1885-1889
Author(s):  
Raj Laddha

At times when we are faced with uncertainty, fear of the unknown, anxiety about a new disease, and what could happen can be overwhelming and cause strong emotions, not just in adults but in children as well. Necessary government guidelines, such as social distancing, can make people feel isolated and lonely and can increase stress and anxiety. Though these actions are necessary to reduce the spread of COVID-19, healthily coping with stress will make you, the people you care about, and your community stronger. This prospective study is aimed to assess the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak on mental health and to investigate how the community can remain happy. The one thing which is spreading faster than the infectious disease during the pandemic is the negative energy, with total confirmed cases touching 1 crore, millions of people losing their jobs, and many losing their beloved ones. Awareness regarding mental health is a must. During this phase, there is extremely minimal knowledge about the impact of such epidemics on community mental health. This gap in knowledge means we are less prepared, critically ill-equipped to support communities as we face unprecedented times. In situations like these, all of us have to come forward. It is our responsibility how we handle this, our include both the government and each and every citizen of the country.


Author(s):  
William Simpson

In the summer of 1860, I started from Simla to pass a few weeks at Chini, so as to avoid the rains. Chini is 16 marches about due east, which may be roughly put as being nearly 200 miles. Being just beyond the higher range of the Himalayan chain, the rain cloud is generally spent before it reaches the locality; still there is enough moisture to nourish vegetation, so that trees and flowers are plentiful. About two or three marches beyond this the rainless region commences, where trees are few and far between, and crops depend on the irrigation of small streams coming down from the melted snow of the higher peaks. Chini is about 10,000 feet above the sea, hence it is a most delightful climate in the summer; and few places in the Himalayas can present such a splendid view as the one looking across the Sutlej from the village. A bungalow had been erected at the time of Lord Dalhousie, and in it I put up for about two months; as I did my best when any of the people applied with ailments, they became friendly, and seeing me sketching, and taking an interest in their doings, they announced their ceremonies, and invited me to come and see them. I regret that my knowledge of the ordinary Hindostani was, at that time, but very small, so that I was unable to ask questions and collect information. from this cause my account of their Pujahs is far from complete.


1910 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-623
Author(s):  
M. Gaster

IN addition to the more or less accredited ancient Sibylline oracles, others circulated, under the name of the one or the other of the Sibyls, which also claimed to be of equal authority. The name was a recommendation for a special kind of apocalyptic literature, and the example set of old of foretelling the future was thereby continued for many centuries. The character of this Sibylline Oracle was akin to some of the old Apocalypses, in which the future was revealed in a symbolical form, and the events to come foretold by allegories and signs, which were interpreted by the Sibyl as by one of the prophets of old. By connecting such apocalyptic revelations with some ancient name and ascribing to men or women of the past works composed at a much later time, these compositions entered into the domain of that apocryphal Christian literature which made use of old formulas for disseminating new teaching and thus prepared the mind of the people for untoward incidents. These oracles were soon drawn into the cycle of the Doomsday; the legends of Antichrist and of the Last Judgment were incorporated with the older oracle; and thus an oracle which originally may have been a mere forecast of purely political events became a religious manifesto, a prophetic pronouncement on the course of events, leading up to the final drama.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 74-80
Author(s):  
L. A. Gainutdinova

The ideological romanticism of freedom and equality, having its origins in the political philosophy of Zh. J. Russo, does not lose its relevance today. The revolutionary ideas of J.J.Russault, which laid the foundations for a radical democratic paradigm, inspire new reformist and revolutionary movements around the world. The practical implementation of these ideas often leads to a radicalization of the order of political transformation, substantially reducing the line between democracy and dictatorship.This has been repeatedly observed in political history, beginning with the French Revolution and ending with a modern wave of revolutions in different countries, where radical democrats, destroying and capturing power, proclaim freedom in the name of new equality. By neglecting the real limits of historical action, redefining the role and significance of revolutionary violence, the radicals launch a process that can lead to serious danger for society and the state. Indeed, in reality, equality means only a break with the former public asymmetry, which is replaced by new values – privileged access to a new system of hierarchies. In this case, the national fabric is torn apart, all the public cells collapse, the will to establish freedom, leads to terror, destroying this same freedom, and the revolution turns into a counter to what served as its beginning. As soon as it seems to the people that he (the one who «made» this revolution) receives all the full power, this power, well-founded in numerous theories and concepts, in reality slips out of his hands and becomes elusive. The ideas that prevailed in the pre-revolutionary period and played a positive role in the process of preparing revolutionary events are highlighted as completely incapacitated.


1957 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Torre Revello

Among the many books destined for children, the one preferred in America during the colonial period was the Fables attributed to the Phrygian slave, Aesop. Translated into Spanish, it was found in the hands of travelers and colonists throughout the Spanish empire. The simplicity of the tales and the morals which they point out made them the delight not only of children but also of adults, who explained the precepts with purposeful wit.Aesop was one of the authors most read in the New World, according to what we can deduce by consulting the numerous lists of books which were sent to various parts of the American continent. His fables were also circulated in Latin and Greek, surely for pedagogical purposes. In Spain there was no lack of poets who devoted part of their work to fables, such as the Archpriest of Hita with his Enxiemplos, up to the culmination in the eighteenth century with Félix María Samaniego and Tomás de Iriarte, whose works it is logical to suppose were brought to the New World with many others of various kinds. By that time the shores of America were being swept by other ideas, distinct from those of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which brought unrest to the minds of the people, ideas foreign to the calm and well-being of the two previous centuries.


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