Modernization and Centralization in Northern Thailand, 1875–1910

1976 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Ansil Ramsay
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
Economic Pressure ◽  
Chiang Mai ◽  
The West ◽  
Northern Thailand ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Thai Government ◽  
The Government

As recently as 1875 Thailand had an extremely decentralized political system in which regional and local authorities enjoyed considerable autonomy from the central government. By the end of King Chulalongkon‘s reign in 1910, however, a very centralized political system had emerged in Thailand. This rather remarkable transformation from decentralization to centralization has usually been explained in terms of Western diplomatic and economic pressure upon the Thai government in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the reforms which the government undertook to meet this pressure. Earlier studies by scholars such as Walter Vella, D. G. E. Hall, and John F. Cady have strongly emphasized the importance of Western pressure and advisers for the transformation of the Thai political system. More recent studies, in particular those of David Wyatt, have emphasized the importance of domestic factors in this process of change and stressed the creativity of the Thai response to the West. All of these studies have in common, however, an emphasis upon the importance of national level politics in the process of centralization. It will be the argument of this paper that it is also necessary to examine provincial-level politics in the period from 1875 to 1910 to understand why centralization in Thailand was so thoroughgoing and why it proceeded so rapidly. For this purpose the paper will focus on northern Thailand in the area which is now covered by the provinces of Chiang Mai, Lamphun, Lampang, Phrae, and Nan.

Hong Kong’s institutional incongruities and its tourism policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiew Ping Yew
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Tourism Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Policy And Planning

Purpose – With a focus on Hong Kong tourism policy, the purpose of this paper is to explain the Hong Kong government’s conundrum in addressing society’s concerns and controversies over the massive influx of mainland tourists in recent years. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts the approach of historical institutionalism, in which the notion of structural-power takes centre stage. It outlines some notable trends in Hong Kong’s tourist arrivals and highlights some of the controversies that have arisen before delving into how existing institutional arrangements and key actors have shaped Hong Kong’s tourism policy amid the city’s shifting social, political and economic contexts. Findings – The prevalence of business interests and the ideology of economism largely explain the Hong Kong government’s stasis in tackling the problems stemming from the large inflow of mainland visitors. Institutional arrangements in the post-handover period have further empowered the business class, giving it an edge over the unelected executive that lacks a popular mandate. Therefore, even if the central government has signaled its willingness to adjust the Individual Visit Scheme (IVS) policy, the Hong Kong government is unlikely to propose significant cuts to the inflow of IVS arrivals. Without further political reforms to boost the executive’s legitimacy and accountability to the Hong Kong people, it is doubtful that the government may emerge from its predicament in the near future. Originality/value – Through the lens of tourism policy and planning pertaining to inbound mainland visitors, this paper aims to assess the current state of governance in Hong Kong. It not only offers a timely look into Hong Kong’s political system 17 years after handover but also explores the extent to which apparent dysfunctions in the city’s governance today are a consequence of institutional incongruities in its political system.

The Shaping of Popular Satisfaction with Government and Regime Performance in Germany

1999 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS R. CUSACK
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
The West ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Developments ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

The article focuses on citizens’ satisfaction with the German democratic political system. The empirical analysis reported supports the argument that the performance of the economy and the government affect popular satisfaction with the regime. In the East, satisfaction with the regime remains very low and dissatisfaction has spread into West Germany. In the West, the sources of this dissatisfaction are both economic developments and government performance; citizens modify their views on the system as a consequence of the government’s and the economy’s successes and failures. The dynamic is similar in the East. Economic strains, and the perception that the federal government is not making sufficient efforts to equalize living standards, have kept the Eastern population from committing themselves to the new unified political system.

Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Secular Institution ◽  
The Government ◽  
Academic Discourses

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

Illegalising Licitness?

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 663-683
Author(s):  
Woonkyung Yeo
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
State Control ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Economic Transaction

In the mid-20th Century, the practice of bartering was one of the most prevalent forms of economic transaction around the Indonesian Archipelago. The most prevalent and crucial for Indonesian society was the trade conducted along the border between Singapore and Sumatra. The government centred in Jakarta often approved and even encouraged barter with Singapore at the regional and national level. In many cases, however, bartering along the borders was done autonomously by the regional government and traders, and often out of state control. In these circumstances, the central government sometimes “illegalised” barter trade, while the regional government and societies, arguing that their barter transactions were “licit”, issued a challenge to the government’s order. Such tension and conflict over barter in the region was exacerbated by political upheavals such as regional rebellions in the 1950s and the Konfrontasi in the 1960s. This article traces changing policies and discourses regarding “barter” between Singapore and the Indonesian islands (mostly Sumatra) in the mid-20th Century, and highlight how an economic transaction was politicised, and how the ideas of licitness and legality were in confrontation in certain political backgrounds.

scholarly journals Devolution of Legislative Power to the Provincial Council of Sri Lanka

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 34-40
Author(s):  
N. Piyuji Rasanja Mendis
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
Provincial Councils

The objective of the study is to examine the states of legislative devolution in Sri Lanka under present constitution of 1978. The ‘Indo-Lanka Accord’ committed Sri Lanka to establish a system of devolution to Provincial Councils (PCs). Consequently with the aim of devolving power, the PCs were established in each of the nine Provinces of Sri Lanka under the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution. In a system where devolution of power exists, power is divided between the national and sub national level. In case of Sri Lanka such a division takes place between the central government which is the government at national level and the provincial council which is the government at sub national level. The legislation is the framework by which governments of whatever persuasion seek to achieve their purposes. Under a truly devolved system, the unit to which the power is devolved can exercise its autonomy in the implementation of the devolved functions. This autonomy should have been ensured, in the PC system as expected in the 1987 Indo-Lanka Agreement. It was found that the PCs are elected bodies which were given power to pass statutes applicable to their respective Provinces, with regards to certain specified matters. The legislative power of the PCs is not exclusive theirs. Issues related with legislative power also contributed to the weak capacity basis of the Provincial Council.

scholarly journals Pengalaman Komunikasi Personel Badan Penghubung Sumatera Barat Dengan Perantau

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 348-357
Author(s):  
Stefan Antonio ◽  
Emeraldy Chatra ◽  
Asmawi Asmawi
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Symbolic Interaction ◽  
Sampling Technique ◽  
Phenomenological Approach ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Interaction Theory ◽  
The West ◽  
West Sumatra ◽  
The Government ◽  
Symbolic Interaction Theory

The West Sumatra Liaison Agency is one of the government organizations of West Sumatra Province. This organization is located outside West Sumatra, especially in Jakarta. The West Sumatra Liaison Agency functions to facilitate the West Sumatra Provincial Government and the Central Government. This study aims to explore the experience of the Liaison Agency personnel in the perspective of symbolic interaction theory. Research with qualitative methods using a phenomenological approach is more focused on exploring the stages of interpersonal communication in communicating with migrants from West Sumatra from the perspective of symbolic interaction theory. The informants of this study consisted of 6 people, of which three people served in the West Sumatra Liaison Agency and three people who were staff. The research informants were selected by purposive sampling technique. The results of this study indicate that personnel who are organizational officials have different concepts of thought, self-concept, and interaction / community concepts from personnel who are staff at the West Sumatra Liaison Agency.

IMEMO in Early 1990s (continued)

2015 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Social Liberalism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.

scholarly journals The Problem of the Deep South of Thailand – Separatism of the Malay Muslims

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-193
Author(s):  
N. G. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Hard Core ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Local Society ◽  
History Of ◽  
Thai Government ◽  
The Government

The article examines the history of the development of the nationalist movement of Malay Muslims living in the south of Thailand, which is more than half a century old and is a demonstration of their identify in conditions of being in an alien and even hostile religious, cultural and ethnic environment and a form of protest against the government policy of forced assimilation. The desire of Malay Muslims for independence, which has taken the form of armed resistance to the central government, is a response to the marginalization of their economic and political position and to the discriminatory policy of the government. Separatism as an ideology of ethno-nationalism and as a political movement of Malay Muslims, which originated in the 1940s of the last century, has transformed in the last fifteen years into a religious jihad with an accompanying increase in violence. It is based on small groups of militant separatists recruiting their supporters from students of traditional Muslim schools. Having almost completely abandoned political activity, the separatists concentrated on carrying out acts of terror. With the emergence of ISIS and its attempts to create its base in the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia, a threat arose that a local conflict would develop into a transnational one. However, local jihadists, following the interests of self-survival and adhering to a nationalist ideology, show their distance from ISIS, avoiding involvement in the international terrorist movement. The author notes that despite the limited social base of terrorist separatist groups, the idea of independence remains widely demanded in local society. The prolonged nature of the ethno-religious conflict poses the task to resolve it by Thai government. Attempts to suppress the separatism of Malay Muslims by force have been unsuccessful, which prompts the Thai government to look for political ways to resolve the conflict in the framework of the negotiation process with insurgent groups. However, differences in the positions of the parties on the hard core of the problem complicate reaching consensus. The author concludes that as long as Thai society is divided into “we” and “they”, the basis for the growth of Malay nationalism remains.

scholarly journals INVESTMENT SCHEME IN KERTAJATI AEROCITY DEVELOPMENT IN MAJALENGKA DISTRICT, WEST JAVA PROVINCE WHICH IS ORIENTED TO THE PRINCIPLES OF GOOD CORPORATE GOVERNANCE

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 191-204
Author(s):  
Ratna Januarita ◽  
Frency Siska ◽  
Eka An Aqimuddin
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Governance ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
The West ◽  
West Java ◽  
Good Corporate Governance ◽  
Good Government ◽  
The Government

In the National Medium-Term Development Plan 2015-2019 especially in West Java Province, namely the construction of Kertajati Airport, located in Majalengka Regency. Therefore, the West Java provincial government has drawn up Regional Regulation No. 13 of 2010 concerning the Development and Development of West Java International Airport and Kertajati Aerocity. Kertajati Aerocity will carry out its duty to promote and strengthen the creation of an engine of economic growth in the western part of Indonesia that will involve the participation of local governments, the central government, investors and the community. So, the purpose of this article is to analyze the investment scheme in the development of Aerocity Kertajati in Majalengka Regency which is oriented to the principles of good corporate governance. The conclusion of this article is the Investment Scheme in Kertajati Aerocity Development in Majalengka Regency, West Java, namely through cooperation between PT BIJB and investors (land authorities) in terms of land acquisition and development cooperation relationships and development of the Aerocity Kertajati area. Investment Scheme in Kertajati Aerocity Development in Majalengka Regency, West Java Oriented Principles of Good Corporate Governance namely by implementing Good Government Governance, namely the government as one of the parties in its role of building and developing the Aerocity Kertajati area must refer to good values, clean and fair, and Good Corporate Governance must be reflected in the management of PT BIJB's business activities as an extension of the West Java provincial government covering transparency, accountability, responsibility, independence, and justice.

scholarly journals POLITICAL and LEGAL ACTIVITY of DEPUTIES of the NORTH CAUCASUS IN the STATE DUMA of the RUSSIAN EMPIRE in the EARLY twentieth Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely

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