Censorship as Negotiation: The State and Non-European Newspapers in Kenya, 1930–54

Itinerario ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-411
Author(s):  
Bodil Folke Frederiksen

AbstractThis article is concerned with the colonial state as a producer, consumer, and regulator of print. Propaganda and censorship may represent two extremes in the management of a colonial public sphere. Censorship was an interactive and negotiated process—one whose successful management was in the interest of both the censoring agents and those censored. One might think that censorship is a measure taken in order for communication to break down. If we imagine colonial print communication as a continuum suspended between partners that at one end desire full freedom of expression and at the other full control, absolute censorship does constitute silence, like that represented by the dramatic closure of the African press in Kenya with the Emergency of 1952. In a politicised colonial environment, like that in postwar Kenya, censorship may be understood as negotiation between colonisers and colonised on the limits of free speech. The article examines what changed in Kenya's late-colonial period in relation to the production, broadcasting, censoring, and suppression of non-European newspapers, and how the change affected the institutions and groupings that produced and received texts. More narrowly, it seeks to trace the dynamics of textual interfaces between the European print frameworks and those of the consolidated or emerging non-European publicists and publics. An examination that situates censorship in a broader context of management of discourse, of negotiation and dialogue, one that tests and goes beyond the dualism of suppression and resistance, may make it clearer why and to what extent a number of critical, anti-colonial publications were allowed to exist, and some were encouraged; and what the limits were, when opposition became unacceptable, and communication broke down.

The Holocene ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (11) ◽  
pp. 1771-1780 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edson P Silva ◽  
Rosa CCL Souza ◽  
Tania A Lima ◽  
Flávio C Fernandes ◽  
Kita D Macario ◽  
...  

Interactions between invader species and the local biota may lead to disequilibria in regional ecosystems. For such reason, the cultivation of nonnative species may be prohibited in specific regions, as a means of protecting native species. On the other hand, the question of whether a species is a bioinvader or not may not be straightforward. This is the case of the mollusc Perna perna, presently naturalized and widely distributed along Brazilian coast, from the Bay of Vitória, in the state of Espírito Santo (ES), to the state of Rio Grande do Sul (RS). Following previous works that explored the hypothesis that P. perna invaded the coast of Brazil at the colonial period, attached to slave ships, we discuss zooarchaeological data, radiocarbon dating, and molecular genetics analyses. Out of the 578 archeological shellmounds investigated, 542 (93.8%) had no records of P. perna. From the radiocarbon dating results, it is possible to infer that the presence of the two P. perna specimens from the Saquarema shellmound, in Rio de Janeiro, as well as the other shells from the top layer, is likely related to a recent occupation of the site in the colonial period, with a great probability of being from the XVII or XVIII centuries. Data on genetic population structure of P. perna along the Brazilian coast showed higher genetic identities between the African and the Brazilian populations than among the Brazilian populations, while haplotypic diversity shows a pattern which relates to trade routes of slaves (XVII and XVIII centuries) between Africa and Brazil. These data reinforce the argument that the appearance of P. perna along the Brazilian coast is due to invasion during historical time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Richard Moon

A commitment to freedom of expression means that an individual must be free to speak to others and to hear what others may say, without interference from the state. It is said that the answer to bad or erroneous speech is not censorship, but rather more and better speech. Importantly the listener, and not the speaker, is seen as responsible (as an independent agent) for his or her actions, including harmful actions, whether these actions occur because he or she agrees or disagrees with the speaker’s message.


Author(s):  
Hanif Miah

Bureaucracy is the management apparatus of a state administration. Even in private sector, bureaucratic organization is very much essential for its smooth functioning and betterment. A legalized domination of bureaucracy only can ensure highest efficiency of an organization in a country. But the state bureaucracy of Bangladesh not developed legally from Pre-colonial period to post-colonial phase as well as an independent Bangladesh eventually. The state bureaucracy of Bangladesh is patrimonial in nature based on personal interests. The politicians and bureaucrats are interdependent in various manners for the fulfillment of their purpose illegally in Democratic Bangladesh. Simultaneously, the impact of militarism still exists in state bureaucracy of Bangladesh as it faced military rule in several times.


2021 ◽  
pp. 025764302110421
Author(s):  
Sudipto Basu

How does a state govern a territory which has seen a sudden spurt in population and become the most densely populated regions of the province? How does the state account for the governance of a place which very recently has seen the transition from a rural or a semi-rural tract to a town? And most importantly, how does the state govern a place where the main source of power resides with the proprietors of private enterprises? These were some of the questions which the colonial state had to deal with when it was faced with the prospect of administering some of the most rapidly ‘urbanizing’ or expanding regions of Bengal, that is, the industrial belt or the riparian municipalities of the districts of 24 Parganas and Hooghly and the mining and railway junctions of Ranigunj and Asansol from the last quarter of the nineteenth century. How was their administration going to be any different from the other mofussil municipalities, which also had a semi-rural character? This article will look at these questions and try to understand how through the process of municipalization the colonial state was trying to control the newer territories and how the locals reacted to these attempts. This article will investigate and hence argue that any attempt at improvement in these mofussil municipalities was being throttled due to the lack of understanding, on the part of the provincial government, of the local socio-economic conditions and the ineffectiveness of the local self-government in these towns.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-152
Author(s):  
Muhammad Latif Fauzi

The transformation of Sharia into a legal code in different Muslim countries is not an easy process. Let alone in Indonesia, this transformation has included dialogues, conflicts and tensions between multiple groups. In the last two decades, along with the growing up of democratic life, this tension has given rise to the emergence of so-called ‘progressive’ and ‘conservative’ movements. Debates among them continue to rage even more intensely.  On the other hand, as this article has argued, the development of Islamic family law in Indonesia has demonstrated the increase in the use of modern approaches to Islamic jurisprudence. Nevertheless, the State authority seems to have a decisive power to intervene the content and to determine the result of the debate. Accordingly, I would like to value all these political and legal processes as an inseparable part of the larger process of a public sphere in the Indonesian reformasi era.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-149
Author(s):  
Murugesan M ◽  
Dr. A. K. Muthusamy

The concept ‘the Other’is a literary theory, which defines one’s identity among others. It explains the state of a person who is neglected or subordinated and displays how one feels as an alien by gender, caste, religion, culture, appearance, geography, ideology and so on. Doris Lessing’s novels are mostly concerned with human race and criticize the patriarchal society, where female does not get the recognition she is due. Instead of taking care of women, appreciating their talents and providing them freedom of expression and movement, the society makes them feel ‘the Other’. Lessing has crafted the novel, The Summer Before the Dark as to expose the fate of women, who are always submissive and unassertive to their husbands and children, thereby becoming insignificant to the society. This paper examines the status of Kate Brown in her family and in the society, where she is neglected and deprecated by her ungrateful husband and children by the frame of ‘The Other’/ ‘Otherness’.


Author(s):  
Shagun Jhaver ◽  
Larry Chan ◽  
Amy Bruckman

In this paper, we use mixed methods to study a controversial Internet site: The Kotaku in Action (KiA) subreddit. Members of KiA are part of GamerGate, a distributed social movement. We present an emic account of what takes place on KiA: who are they, what are their goals and beliefs, and what rules do they follow. Members of GamerGate in general and KiA in particular have often been accused of harassment. However, KiA site policies explicitly prohibit such behavior, and members insist that they have been falsely accused. Underlying the controversy over whether KiA supports harassment is a complex disagreement about what “harassment” is, and where to draw the line between freedom of expression and censorship. We propose a model that characterizes perceptions of controversial speech, dividing it into four categories: criticism, insult, public shaming, and harassment. We also discuss design solutions that address the challenges of moderating harassment without impinging on free speech, and communicating across different ideologies.


2022 ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Zahid Ullah

Pakistan is depicted as a victim as well as a sponsor of terrorism. The reason behind this characterisation is that Pakistan, since its inception in 1947, has experienced multifaceted violence, ranging from ethnic insurgencies to sectarian violence. At the same time, it has been blamed for fomenting violence in its neighbours. On the one hand, there have been anti-terrorism laws in place since the late 1990s; on the other, there is an Islamised public sphere that provides fecund soil for violent extremists to thrive. The questions to be addressed here are: What kinds of anti-terrorism laws exist in Pakistan and how effective are they against terrorism? What is the role of the state-managed curriculum in providing a conducive environment for the growth of violent extremism? This research appeals to the “garrison state” theory, which explains how “the specialists on violence” control every aspect of the state, complemented by the concept of “fragmented hegemony,” which explains how the seemingly corrupt multiple sites of power help the state maintain its hegemony over society.


Author(s):  
Justin Willis

Across Africa, the term chief has been—and still is—used to describe individuals whose status and influence is extremely diverse; no single analytical model can explain the multiple phenomena of ‘chieftaincy’. But a broad pattern can be observed. Across much of the continent, individuals who possessed political authority in precolonial societies did so most effectively not by monopolizing a single kind of power, but by dealing in multiple forms of powerful knowledge. In the colonial period and subsequently, this brokering of knowledge has acquired a new productive potency, serving as a means to both mediate and reproduce a distinction between tradition on the one hand and the state on the other.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredrik Engelstad

AbstractClassical elite theory stressed tensions between elites and democracy, whereas modern studies of elites take democracy as a point of departure – to a large extent under the heading of democratic elitism. This article discusses two strands of elite studies in a democracy perspective, one stressing elite conflict, the other focusing on elite consensus. As points of departure for empirical analysis both strands are valuable, but when linked to democratic theory they are insufficient. It is necessary to view elites in light of constitutional features that regulate their relationship with the state. Moreover, the public sphere must be taken into account as a constitutive element of democracy and as an arena for communication between elite groups and between them and citizenries.


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