There is no such thing as society: beyond individualism and statism in international security studies

1993 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Shaw

This article offers a sociological perspective on a major conceptual issue in international relations, the question of ‘security’, and it raises major issues to do with the role of sociological concepts in international studies. For some years now, the work of sociological writers such as Skocpol, Giddens and Mann1 has attracted some interest in international studies. International theorists such as Linklater and Halliday have seen their work as offering a theoretical advance both on realism and on Marxist alternatives. At the same time, these developments have involved the paradox that, as one critic puts it, ‘current sociological theories of the state are increasingly approaching a more traditional view of the state—the state as actor model—precisely at a time when the theory of international relations is getting away from this idea and taking a more sociological form.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-226
Author(s):  
Maria Rost Rublee ◽  
Emily B Jackson ◽  
Eric Parajon ◽  
Susan Peterson ◽  
Constance Duncombe

Abstract Unlike in the broader field of international relations, relatively little research on gender representation and gendered experiences exists within the subfield of security studies. This article begins to fill that gap by sharing the results of a 2019 survey of members of the International Security Studies Section (ISSS) of the International Studies Association (ISA). The survey results show striking gender differences in members’ experiences, with women more likely than men to describe ISSS as “insular,” “clubby,” and an “Old Boys’ Network”; more likely to report experiences of hostility and exclusion; and more likely to believe that diversity initiatives are needed. Our analysis reveals that women in the ISSS report (1) harassment, (2) negative experiences participating in various section activities, (3) more significant barriers to attending and being selected for the section's ISA program, and (4) a sense of feeling unwelcome at ISSS meetings, all at higher rates than male respondents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen M. Kinsella ◽  
Laura Sjoberg

AbstractIn this article, we focus on the subset of evolutionary theorising self-identified as Feminist Evolutionary Analytic (FEA) within security studies and International Relations. We offer this accounting in four sections. First, we provide a brief overview of the argument that reproductive interests are the ‘origins’ of international violence. Second, we break down the definitions of gender, sex, and sexuality used in evolutionary work in security studies generally and in FEA specifically, demonstrating a lack of complexity in FEA’s accounts of the potential relations among the three and critiquing their essentialist heteronormative assumptions. Third, we argue that FEA’s failure to reflect on the history and context of evolutionary theorising, much less contemporary feminist critiques, facilitates its forwarding of the state and institutions as primarily neutral and corrective bulwarks against male violence. Fourth, we conclude by outlining what is at stake if we fail to correct for this direction in feminist, IR, and security research. We argue that FEA work misrepresents and narrows the potential for understanding and responding to violence, facilitating the continued instrumentalisation of women’s rights, increased government regulation of sexuality, and a more expansive form of militarism.


Author(s):  
Valerie Hudson ◽  
R. Charli Carpenter ◽  
Mary Caprioli

It is not only gender ambiguity that is securitized in the international arena, but femininity as well. Some scholars argue that conflict over what women are and what they should do is characterized as a risk to national/global security. Meanwhile, there are those who would characterize gender as irrelevant to, or is one of many variables, in thinking about “security.” Feminist international relations (IR) scholars, however, have argued that gender is across all areas of international security, and that gender analysis is transformative of security studies. A redefinition of security in feminist terms that reveals gender as a factor at play can uncover uncomfortable truths about the reality of this world; how the “myth of protection” is a lie used to legitimize war; and how discourse in international politics is constructed of dichotomies and that their deconstruction could lead to benefits for the human race. Feminist work asserts that it is inadequate to define, analyze, or account for security without reference to gender subordination, particularly, the dichotomy of the domination/subordination concept of power. Gender subordination can be found in military training routines that refer to underperforming men as “girls,” or in the use of rape and forced impregnation as weapons of war. It is the traditional sense of “power as dominance” that leads to situations such as the security dilemma.


Author(s):  
Iver B. Neumann

The diplomat is formed in certain socially specific ways, and is defined by the role they play within certain contexts in the field of international relations. Since it is human beings, and not organizations, who practice diplomacy, the diplomats’ social traits are relevant to their work. Historically, diplomats can be defined in terms of two key social traits (class and gender) and how their roles depend on two contexts (bureaucrat/information gatherer and private/public). Before the rise of the state in Europe, envoys were usually monks. With the rise of the state, the aristocracy took over the diplomatic missions. Nonaristocrats were later allowed to assume the role of diplomats, but they needed to be trained, both as gentlemen and as diplomats. From the eighteenth century onwards, wives usually accompanied diplomats stationed abroad, though by the end of the nineteenth century, a few women came to work as typists and carry out menial chores for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). As women became legal persons through performing such labor, they later became qualified to legally serve as diplomats. Meanwhile, in terms of context, the key context change for a diplomat is from “at home” (as in “my home country”) to “abroad.” Historically, work at home is the descendant of bureaucratic service at the MFA, and work abroad of the diplomatic service.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 219-225
Author(s):  
Наталья Чернядьева

It will be conducted in this article about the role of the religious factor, in particular the Muslim version, in the structure of the terrorist movement. The author shows that the terror under the banner of Islamic fundamentalism is due to the specific understanding of religion as the most convenient way of socialization of terrorist ideas. The complexity of relationships in the organization of international security is reflected in Muslim regional and international agreements, for example, in the general understanding of the phenomenon of international terrorism. Signs of terrorism have significant differences compared with the concept recognized by the international community. This fact plays an important role in assessing the prospects for approval of the draft Comprehensive Antiterrorist Convention by Muslim countries


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
EDWARD NEWMAN

AbstractFrom a critical security studies perspective – and non-traditional security studies more broadly – is the concept of human security something which should be taken seriously? Does human security have anything significant to offer security studies? Both human security and critical security studies challenge the state-centric orthodoxy of conventional international security, based upon military defence of territory against ‘external’ threats. Both also challenge neorealist scholarship, and involve broadening and deepening the security agenda. Yet critical security studies have not engaged substantively with human security as a distinct approach to non-traditional security. This article explores the relationship between human security and critical security studies and considers why human security arguments – which privilege the individual as the referent of security analysis and seek to directly influence policy in this regard – have not made a significant impact in critical security studies. The article suggests a number of ways in which critical and human security studies might engage. In particular, it suggests that human security scholarship must go beyond its (mostly) uncritical conceptual underpinnings if it is to make a lasting impact upon security studies, and this might be envisioned as Critical Human Security Studies (CHSS).


1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Simpson

This article examines the trajectory of the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), currently the ruling party in Mozambique, focusing on the complex interplay between various factors which contributed to the metamorphoses it has undergone since its founding in 1962. Recent work in the field of international relations and historical sociology has thrown light on the rôle of the state as an administrative-coercive entity constantly cross-pressured by domestic and foreign forces, and acting simultaneously on both fronts in pursuit of advantage. While this scholarship has not focused on ruling parties per se, it is arguable that the standard government versus state dichotomy is of limited analytical value in cases such as Mozambique, where the distinction between party and state remained in practice, until recently, a constitutional nicety. When the ruling party has been institutionalised to the extent of Frelimo, and where the state has become almost an extension of the party, it is the latter that is the key variable in any explanation of political and economic change within society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syahrul Salam, Adi Rio Arianto, Rizky Hikmawan

<p><strong>Abstrak – </strong>Kemajuan teknologi, khususnya dibidang informasi, transportasi, dan sains, telah<strong> </strong>menciptakan evolusi peran negara sebagai aktor Hubungan Internasional (HI). Negara harus berbagi peran dengan aktor HI lainnya, seperti: organisasi internasional (OI), organisasi pemerintah/ non-pemerintah (IGOs/NGOs), kelompok epistemik, perusahaan multinasional (MNCs), dan individu. Pergeseran peran negara dalam usaha membela negara mengubah warna disiplin ilmu HI, yaitu pendekatannya. Kajian ini mendalami pergeseran peran negara dan implikasinya bagi sudut pandang HI, serta mengkaji evolusi lingkungan strategis. Hasil studi menemukan bahwa selain negara, universitas adalah salah satu calon aktor HI. Hal ini diidentifikasi melalui empat aspek berikut, yaitu: (1) aspek bela negara menuntut peran sentral (mayor) dan peran sektoral (minor) negara sebagai subyek HI dimana negara berbagi peran dengan Universitas, (2) aspek bela negara mempengaruhi pendekatan Realisme dengan perilaku anarkisnya bergeser ke pendekatan alternatif: Horizontalisme dengan perilaku gotong-royongnya, (3) aspek bela negara menuntut perubahan lingkungan strategis dari Era Global (Globalisasi) ke Era Horizontal (Horizontalisasi) atau dengan istilah “Globalinium”, dan (4) aspek bela negara menjadi krusial saat disandingkan dengan kepentingan nasional di pentas Internasional.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci : </strong>bela negara, hubungan internasional, era horizontal, globalinium, negara, universitas</p><p><strong><em>Abstract – </em></strong><em>The development of technological in the fields of information, transportation, and science,<strong> </strong>have created the evolution of the role of the state as an actor of International Relations (IRs). States should share roles with other IRs actors, such as international organizations (IO), government/ non-governmental organizations (IGOs / NGOs), epistemic groups, multinational corporations (MNCs), and individuals. The shifting role of the state in the effort to defend a state changed the color of the discipline of IRs, particularly in its approach. This study explores the shifting role of the state and its implications to IRs paradigm, and examines the evolution of the strategic environment. The results found that beside the “state”, the “university” can be one of the IRs actors. This is identified through the following four aspects: (1) the state defense aspect demands the major role and the minor role of the state as the subject of IRs in which the State shares its role with the university, (2) the state defense aspect affects the Realism approach with the anarchy shifts to alternative approaches: Horizontalism </em><em>with its “gotong-royong”, (3) the state defending aspect demands a strategic environmental change from the Global Era (Globalization) to the Horizontal Era (Horizontalization) or with the term “Globalinium”, and (4) the state defending aspect were crucial when it juxtaposed with national interests on the international stage.</em></p><p><em><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>state defending, international relations, horizontal era, globalinium, state, university</em></em></p>


2019 ◽  

This volume addresses the ‘question of power’ in current constructivist securitisation studies. How can power relations that affect security and insecurity be analysed from both a transdisciplinary and historical point of view? The volume brings together contributions from history, art history, political science, sociology, cultural anthropology and law in order to determine the role of conceptions of power in securitisation studies, which has tended to be dealt with implicitly thus far. Using conceptual theoretical essays and historical case studies that cover the period from the 16th to the 21st century, this book portrays the dominant paradigms of critical security studies, which mostly stem from the field of international relations and see the state as a major focal point in securitisation, in a new light.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


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