Japan and the Myanmar Stalemate: Regional Power and Resolution of a Regional Problem

2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN HOLLIDAY

For years Myanmar has been caught in a political stalemate generated both by deadlock between the military government and the democratic opposition, and by polar differences between China and the United States. In searching for ways forward, analysts might therefore want to look beyond these dominant actors. This article considers the contribution that a regional power, Japan, could make to political change. It examines first political stalemate in Myanmar, second Japan as a regional power, third Japanese engagement with Myanmar, fourth Japan and resolution of the Myanmar problem, and fifth future possibilities. The argument is that strong historical ties and good relations inside and outside Myanmar put Japan in a pivotal position. As part of its reassurance diplomacy in East Asia, Japan should take the lead in tackling this regional problem.Since a May 1990 general election that saw the National League for Democracy (NLD) secure a landslide victory and the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) respond by reinforcing its dictatorship, Myanmar has been in political stasis. Although progress has been made on some fronts, notably in relations between the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as the military junta is now known, and the insurgent rebel armies with which it long fought civil wars, the uneasy political deadlock that settled on the country some 15 years ago has not been broken. Furthermore, within a complex internal context, the standoff between the two major protagonists from 1990 remains critical. Now, as then, the NLD, brandishing democratic legitimacy, charismatic leader Aung San Suu Kyi and latent popular support, confronts the military junta, wielding guns, power, and fear.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Zulfikar ◽  
Diah Sulung Syafitri ◽  
Muhammad Abdul Aziz Putra Andistan

Kebebasan bagi masyarakat merupakan poin penting yang melatarbelakangi kehadiran nilai-nilai Demokrasi di tengah-tengah bangsa Amerika. Berdasarkan pengalaman kelam di masa lalu, bapak pendiri bangsa Amerika telah belajar bahwa pengekangan terhadap masyarakat oleh pemerintah tidak boleh dilakukan, sehingga nilai-nilai Demokrasi ini benar-benar anti pemaksaan. Kehadiran nilai-nilai Demokrasi di saat keringnya partisipasi politik di suatu negara seakan menjadi oase bagi rakyat di negara tersebut. Pandangan AS yang menjadikan demokrasi sebagai sarana menciptakan perdamaian sebagaimana pemikiran filsuf Jerman Immanuel Kant yang menyatakan bahwa dalam sebuah republik (negara hukum demokratis), dimana kebijakan politik setiap negara ditentukan menurut kehendak warga negara, dan bukan kehendak seorang diktator. Dalam pembahasan ini penulis memfokuskan pada salah satu negara di kawasan Asia Tenggara yang masih labil dalam penerapan demokrasi, yakni Myanmar. Dalam dinamika hubungan AS dan Myanmar, keluarnya AS dari Myanmar dikarenakan rezim militer otoriter pimpinan Ne Win menolak segala bentuk bantuan AS tahun 1963. Namun tahun 1990, angin segar demokrasi kembali berhembus ketika suatu kekuatan politik baru muncul yakni National League for Democracy (NLD) pimpinan Aung San Suu Kyi. Didorong oleh keinginan AS mendemokrasikan Myanmar, maka AS mendukung penuh perjuangan NLD yang menjadi kebijakan AS dalam penerapan demokrasi di Myanmar. Selanjutnya kebijakan AS menerapkan sanksi ekonomi atas Myanmar tahun 1997 berdasarkan keputusan kongres juga dijalankan dalam rangka menekan pemerintahan militer Myanmar agar mempercepat transisi menuju demokrasi. Dua kebijakan tersebut kemudian menimbulkan gejolak internal di Myanmar yang akhirnya mendesak pemerintahan militer untuk segera menerapkan sistem demokrasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelaahan kami terdapat tujuh implikasi yang bersumber dari internal maupun eksternal Myanmar. Adapun kebijakan AS dalam penerapan sistem demokrasi dinilai sukses, karena dua kebijakan AS memberikan dampak terhadap transisi demokrasi di Myanmar.---Freedom for the community is an important point behind the presence of democratic values in the midst of the nation. Based on the past experience, the founding father of the American nation has learned that people restrictions by the government are not allowed, so the democratic values are really anti-coercion. The presence of democratic values in the absence of political participation in a country seems to be an oasis for the people of the country. The US view that makes democracy a means of creating peace as the German philosopher Immanuel Kant thinks that in a republic (a state of democratic law), where the policies of each state are determined according to the will of the citizens, and not the will of a dictator. In this discussion the author focuses on one of the countries in Southeast Asia are still unstable in the application of democracy, namely Myanmar. In the dynamics of US and Myanmar relations, the US exit from Myanmar due to the authoritarian military regime led Ne Win rejected all forms of US aid in 1963. But in 1990, the fresh air of democracy blew again when a new political force emerged namely the National League for Democracy (NLD) Aung San Suu Kyi. Encouraged by US desires to democratize Myanmar, the United States fully supports the NLD's struggle for US policy on democracy in Myanmar. Furthermore, the US policy of imposing economic sanctions on Myanmar in 1997 based on congressional decision is also implemented in order to suppress the military government of Myanmar in order to accelerate the transition to democracy. The two policies then led to internal turmoil in Myanmar which eventually urged the military government to immediately implement the democratic system. Based on our review there are seven implications that come from internal and external Myanmar. The US policy in the application of democratic system is considered successful, because the two US policies have an impact on democratic transition in Myanmar.


1975 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-359
Author(s):  
James H. Hitchman

The United States Military Government built a significant amount of public works in Cuba after the Spanish-American War. Under the direction of the military governor, General Leonard Wood, a large proportion of the insular budget was expended on building roads, bridges, wharves, cleaning and paving streets, purifying water, extinguishing yellow fever, disposing of refuse, and establishing charitable institutions. Of the roughly $55 million expended by the Military Government, over $22 million was spent on varied public works. While the political, diplomatic, economic, legal and educational aspects of the Military Government of Cuba have been treated elsewhere, public works have merely been mentioned. The subject was considered so important by the Military Government and was so vital to Cuba that it warrants special treatment. A description of the conditions in Cuba and the subsequent public works program will indicate the value of the work in the efforts of the Cubans and Americans to build a lasting republic.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-143
Author(s):  
Inhan Kim

An important unresolved issue in u.s. policy in Asia after World War ii is the variation in the scale of land reforms in Japan and southern Korea during postwar American military occupation of these nations. The u.s. occupation authority in Japan conducted sweeping land redistribution, while the military government in Korea implemented very limited reform of landholding. This study asserts that the source of the variation lies in the different degrees of security threat to the two u.s. occupations. In Japan, the United States enjoyed a favorable security environment. No political force, either internal or external, challenged the authority of the occupation. Without fear of the islands falling to a hostile rival, u.s. occupation leaders focused on dissolving the concentration of wealth in rural society. By contrast, south of the 38th parallel in Korea, the u.s. occupation had to deal with challenges strong domestic Communist groups posed to its authority. In this unfavorable security environment, land reform might exacerbate existing chaos. The u.s. military government had to accommodate landed conservative elites as its governing partners to counter Communist organizations. Later, these former partners grew strong enough to block u.s. efforts to alter landholding and forced the occupiers to return home after only partial reform.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-60
Author(s):  
Edward Bong Geul Joo

On September 24, 2007, the conflict in Burma, also known as Myanmar, between the public and the military junta, officially known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), reached a serious point. The military junta, which represented the Burmese government, had raised the price of oil through its monopoly, which subsequently elevated food prices. In response, the public, including 1000 monks, protested against the tyrannical rule of the junta. The junta reacted by killing thousands of people and arresting democratic leaders such as U Gambira, the leader of the protesting monks. Amidst this turmoil, many foreign countries intervened to try to find a solution. Keck and Sikkink suggest that these are voluntary and angel states coming to the aid of others. On the other hand, Kaufmann and Pape argue that these are states masking their acts as aid while looking for gains for themselves. They add that these political gains are made at the costly price of economic loss. By examining how the United States has been involved in the crisis in Burma, Kaufmann and Pape’s view on these states appears to be more correct than that of Keck and Sikkink, who believe in the existence of voluntary states.


Author(s):  
William D. Stanley

El Salvador experienced five decades of direct military rule from 1931 through 1982, followed by a semi-authoritarian phase from 1982 to 1992 during which elected civilians ostensibly governed while the military retained veto power and impunity. Twelve years of civil war produced significant political change, and a 1992 peace settlement finally brought constitutional and institutional reforms that curbed the military’s political power. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the armed forces had a somewhat informal structure, and while coups d’état occurred periodically, the military was more the tool of powerful individuals than the source of their power. An uncompetitive electoral system in the early 20th century broke down in 1931 after a combination of political reforms and financial crisis undermined civilian authority, and a coup enabled the minister of defense to seize power. Shortly thereafter, the fledgling military government suppressed a peasant uprising with extreme violence, thereby consolidating its own position and discouraging challenges from oligarchic elites. Initially military rule was personalistic, with power vested in General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez, but in the 1940s this transitioned to a more institutional system in which the officer corps collectively shaped the broad outlines of how the country would be governed and prevented any one leader from dominating. For over 30 years the institutional military government sought to achieve a degree of legitimacy through controlled elections, repressed opposition when it grew too strong, promoted economic growth, and implemented mild social reforms that always stopped short of challenging oligarchic interests. The military’s strategy failed to resolve severe social and political tensions that arose from the country’s highly unequal distribution of land and income. The military faced popular demands for access to land and adequate wages, while the agrarian elite resisted any reform. Factional strife broke out regularly within the military over whether to rely mainly on repression to contain social and political demands, or to break with the oligarchy and deliver deeper reforms. The result was an inconsistent policy that occasionally created political space for opposition and then violently closed it. By the late 1970s there were massive protests and the beginnings of armed insurgency. Outright civil war began in 1980, and the country began a partial transition to civilian rule in 1982. Despite ample help from the United States, the military failed to defeat the insurgents. In 1990, the conservative elected civilian government began negotiating with the insurgents, leading to accords that definitively excluded the military from political power. After 1992 the country struggled with a sluggish economy and pervasive crime, and questions remained about past human rights crimes. The political system was genuinely democratic, featuring unrestricted debate and a wide range of political ideologies. The military remained largely subordinate to civil authority under governments of both the right and the left. Yet legacies of authoritarianism persisted, and in 2020 a populist elected civilian president called on the military for political support and used it to detain people unlawfully during the COVID-19 pandemic.


2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Kalberg

The disagreement between Germany and the United States over thewar in Iraq was massive. During the winter of 2002, many observersspoke of a long-term rift between these longstanding allies and atotal loss of credibility on both sides. No one can doubt, regardlessof recent healing overtures,1 that the German-American partnershiphas been altered and significantly weakened. It has suffered a blowfar more damaging than those that accompanied past conflicts over,for example, Ostpolitik, the neutron bomb, the Soviet gas pipeline,the flow of high technology products to the Soviet Union, the impositionof trade sanctions in 1980 against the military government inPoland, the stationing in the late 1970s of middle-range missiles onGerman soil, and the modernization of short-range missiles in 1989.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-198
Author(s):  
Jinwung Kim

AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Mark Askew

In the wake of the Spanish American War, the United States became a world power. How consciously the USA pursued global ambitions is the subject of intense scholarly debate. This article examines US strategic policy toward Cuba in 1899 and argues that the USA prioritized stability and left US commanders to infer via a process of experimentation the true strategic direction of US policy in Cuba.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-640
Author(s):  
Yun Zhang ◽  
Yimeng Jia

Why and how did the International Labor Organization and the military junta of Myanmar transform their relationship so dramatically, from confrontation to cooperation, between 2007 and 2010? What insights can be drawn from this case regarding the successful operation of an international organization in an authoritarian environment? By investigating the evolution of the military leadership’s perception, this article aims to demystify authoritarian decision-making and identify the interactive mechanisms operating between internal and external dynamics and between an authoritarian regime and an international organization. The qualitative fieldwork includes direct interviews with former top military government leaders, who provide valuable insights into the decision-making logic at the highest level.


Defence is one of the key strategic areas of concern for any country. The ever increasing geopolitical risks are compelling nations to strengthen their defence capabilities. As a result, military expenditure is rising across the globe. This paper is a modest attempt to analyze the pattern of military spending across select countries and its effect on arms trade by them. The result of the t-test of the mean difference showed a significant difference in the average military burden of select countries over the period from 1989 to 2019. The analysis revealed that an upward trend in military expenditure (MILEX) in a developed country like the United States is aimed at acquiring superiority in weapon production. In contrast, China, India, and Israel spend more on the military to enhance their deterrence from threats imposed by neighboring countries and civil wars. However, the military expenditure in Japan followed a consistent pattern since 1990. It was suggested that the Indian defence industry should emphasize indigenization by enhancing the participation of foreign investors and the private sector than escalating military expenditure


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