Democracy and the Construction of Allogeny/Autochthony in Postcolonial Cameroon

2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-42
Author(s):  
Nantang Jua
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
National Union ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
National Integration ◽  
The Government ◽  
Integration Project

Since independence Cameroon has been a hegemonic state, evidenced by the 1966 introduction of a single party, the Cameroon National Union (CNU), which was purportedly created to foster national integration. This focus on national integration led to a de-emphasis of all other issues such as fundamental human rights. And because a select elite assigned itself the task of imagining the form the nation would take, this process was naturally accompanied by a contraction of the political space. Because the national integration project had paid minimal dividends after more than two decades, Cameroonians refused to legitimize it. They had realized that it simply served as a ruse for the ruling class to convert the state into a patrimonial one. Hence, people sought to regain their voices and participation through the democratic process. Reluctantly, the state capitulated to demands for political pluralism, passing the so-called Liberal Laws of 1990. However, by allowing multiparty politics, the government ruptured the facade of cohesion of the ruling class, which resulted in elites becoming increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their power and losing interest in the national integration project.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of the State and Human Rights Violations: A Case Study of the Nigerian State Under the Goodluck Jonathan Administration (2010 – 2015)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (28) ◽  
pp. 182
Author(s):  
Olulana Olubankole Daniel
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
Global North

In spite of the significant efforts and influence elicited by relevant actors and mechanisms poised playing a watchdog and/or regulatory role over the states activities for an enforcement of human rights protection, the state has been observably seen to continue to record human rights violations across various countries of the world. The case is particularly more sordid for countries of the global South integrated into an international political economy structure that engenders continue far reaching relations of exploitive dominance by states of the global North and their corresponding Dominant Class. This paper examines the outlook of the state’s record of human rights violations under the Goodluck Jonathan Administration to understand if this pattern still holds sway. It also seeks to explain, with the aid of an eclectic theoretical framework constituting a mix of the Marxist and Neo-Liberal theory within the Political economy Approach, whether or not the state may continue to record human rights violations given its nature and character. The study discovered the foregoing statement to be in the affirmative and underscored the relevance of such an understanding in informing the need for the continuing enforcement efforts and influence exerted by the relevant actors and mechanisms for the protection of human rights by states. The study also recommends the need for the adjustment of the international political economy structural outlook to one that is void of an exploitative dominance of the states of the global North as well as the need for Welfarist and other relevant policies central to securing the human rights of the citizenry at a reasonable minimum to be formulated in Nigeria. The role and vibrant activities of the relevant actors and mechanisms is underscored as one central to birthing this reality as was seen in the way they galvanized public popular action in the elections that saw the voting out of the incumbent Ruling Class and its long-standing power holding party in order to birth for the desired leadership of the state that will birth forth the desired reality.

scholarly journals IMPLEMENTASI PENGAKUAN DAN JAMINAN HAM SEBAGAI UPAYA PENGUATAN INTEGRASI BANGSA

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadir Nadir
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
World Order ◽  
The State ◽  
National Integration ◽  
The Past ◽  
International Stability ◽  
The World ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The Government ◽  
Radical Movement

The existence of radicalism movement recently has made us worried about the nation and state life in the world order, since this movement is able to attract others from various elements of people and states that the teachings and ideology the movement offers are good. This movement at last will influence either the national or international stability because it is wellorganized. Therefore, it is necessary to reinforce the recognition and assurance of human rights especially the prosperity of the state that may make Indonesian people easy to be attracted by any offerings given by the groups of this radical movement. If in the past the movement of human rights was constructed by the thinkers due to arbitrarv rulers, at present human rights is moved and thought in order to strengthen the national integration. The alarming development of trans- national radicalism movements has given impacts on a national disintegration, therefore, the principle of recogmtion and assurance in the protection of human rights is lead to protect, save, and to assure the prosperity porn the state since few peoplejoining in a radical movement are not caused ofjihad but of economic reasons. If the state seriously give some recognition and assurance of human rights, the citizens feel to be protected. This in turns results in a sympathetic emphatic feelings to the government and the state, and therefore the national integration will still be kept intact and well-woven.

Kościół katolicki wobec parlamentaryzmu II Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie nauczania społecznego kardynała Stefana Adama Sapiehy

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Mateusz Kępa
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Catholic Church

The purpose of this article is to describe the relationship between parliamentarism and the social teaching of the Catholic Church, with a special emphasis on pastoral, social and political activities of cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha. The system of parliamentary government is a system of government in which the legislative authority in the form of parliament passes laws and controls the executive authority, which is wielded by the president together with the government. An important aspect of this system of government is the interpenetration of these two authorities and their mutual complementing, which is evident even in the possibility of bringing forward bills by the executive. The view of the parliamentary system held by cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha was based on the social attitude which was represented by the Christian Democrats. The political system accepted by the Christian Democrats was democracy, which very clearly demonstrates all positive forms of local government’s actions and the principle of subsidiarity. The basis of this assumption is that it is on the lowest levels of society where the common good based on social solidarity can be realized. The Archbishop of Krakow perceived the political, social and economic issues through the prism of the Catholic Church. He believed that the task of the state is to protect society against the moral decay of anti-Christian totalitarian systems. According to Sapieha, the state should act as a servant in relation to the nation. The Metropolitan claimed also that the vision of the relationship between social ranks, contrary to the socialist vision, was not burdened with a conflict. Sapieha saw the danger of drastic social inequality, but definitely spoke out against socialist and communist solutions. The cardinal emphasized the accent which should be laid on the development of all forms of civic government. So the ideal state is a decentralized state, in which citizens, due to rights and activities taken up by themselves, have an influence over the governments. According to Sapieha, a democratic state of law should respect political pluralism based on the principle of subsidiarity and justice, as well as sovereignty, and above all – the principle of parliamentary majority.

Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Muhannad Al Janabi Al Janabi
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Prominent Feature ◽  
Regional Stability ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Political Media ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Arab Spring

Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

Singapore in 2009: Structuring Politics, Priming the Economy, and Working the Neighborhood

Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Narayanan Ganesan
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sharp Decline ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Economic Output ◽  
State Investment

Singapore suffered a sharp decline in economic output, its state investment agencies lost significant amounts, and the state drew on reserves to stimulate the economy. Electoral boundaries were redrawn, changes to the political system mooted, and rumors of elections were rife. Immigration and national integration issues became important.

scholarly journals GEOGRAFIA POLÍTICA E O SETOR MINERAL: as proposições legislativas que impactam a gestão dos territórios com mineração no estado do Pará – 2011 a 2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conflicts Of Interests ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Mineral Sector ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
The Government

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.

scholarly journals Rektor C.J.L. Almqvist och personlighetsprincipen

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman
Keyword(s):  
Elementary School ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Pilot School ◽  
The Government ◽  
Existential Dimension ◽  
The Right ◽  
Liberal Culture

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.

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