Germany's Mixed-Member Electoral System: A Victim of its Sophistication?

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-237
Author(s):  
Christian Tomuschat

To shape a legitimate electoral system is a tremendous challenge for any parliamentary body. It cannot evade the responsibility of enacting the requisite statutory rules since no other State organ has the authority to make determinations which are substantially of a constitutional character. How, and under what conditions, citizens choose their representatives pertains to the key issues in a democratic system. But it is a truism to state that a parliament is not a homogeneous body; it is normally composed of different groups with highly divergent interests. Groups representing large political parties tend to favor a majoritarian electoral system, following with greater or slighter variations the British model of first past the post where the highest number of ballots in a given constituency determines the winner of the seat in issue, even though the candidate may have obtained only a relative plurality. Smaller parties, on the other hand, put their preferences on proportional representation, which ensures them a share of the seats corresponding to their share of the vote. To their regret, parties supported only by a low fraction of the electorate cannot, which is self-evident, impose their preferred option, having to wait for pressure to build up in the general public to promote their concerns. Thus, parliaments are neither neutral nor objective when they make determinations in electoral matters.

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer

Political agreements are an integral part of the political system in Israel. For various reasons — mainly the proportional representation electoral system and the existence of a “third bloc” of religious parties that do no fit into the centre-right and centre-left political alliances — no political party has ever enjoyed an absolute majority in the Knesset. The dominant parties have therefore always had to rely on coalition agreements with smaller parties in order to obtain, and subsequently maintain, the parliamentary majority required for a government to rule under Israel's parliamentary system. A similar situation exists in many municipal councils and in other elected bodies, such as the Bar Council.


1993 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Baron

I provide a formal theory of government for a political system characterized by a proportional representation electoral system, a parliamentary government that exercises collective responsibility, and a government formation process. Political parties are assumed to be policy-oriented and to serve the interests of those who vote for them. Parties choose policy platforms that determine their representation in parliament; and given that representation, the parties bargain over the government to be formed and the policies that government will implement. The model yields equilibria with the property that parties choose dispersed policy positions. Thus, electoral incentives in proportional representation parliamentary systems need not lead to policy convergence. The theory provides predictions of party locations such as those developed in the manifesto project.


1986 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A.L. Levy ◽  
Howard Machin

THE 1986 ELECTIONS PRODUCED ONE OF THE MOST DRAMATIC results in recent French history, after one of the most unexciting campaigns. It is clear that the marked a break with the previous experience of the Fifth Repu Is lic.What was the nature of this break? First, the campaign began in a context where defeat seemed inevitable for the President's majority in parliament. Secondly, there was a new electoral system which affected the campaign, the competition and the results. Thirdly, the results showed considerable changes in French voting behaviour. Fourthly, there were some important changes in the influence and nature of the parties themselves. Fifthly, and perhaps most importantly, despite the collapse of the two-block part system, a majority hostile to the President was elected to par l 'ament. The President responded by staying in office, and appointing the leader of the largest party in the new majority as prime minister. The other original feature of these elections was that they were held less than two years before a presidential election. Much of the changed behaviour of voters, parties and leaders reflected not only the circumstances of the elections of 1986 but also those foreseen in 1988.


Author(s):  
Jørgen Elklit

The system used for electing the Danish Parliament (Folketinget) is a two-tier proportional representation system. It has worked well since its inception in 1920, and there are no plans of changing to another system. The system is seen as complicated by some, but Danish voters turn out in high numbers and do not seem to have problems understanding the basic elements of how the system works. The system is unique in that the individual political parties can each decide on what kind of list system they want to use and how the preferential votes cast for individual candidates will influence the eventual selection of elected candidates. The index of disproportionality shows remarkably low values, partly because the most important formal electoral threshold is only 2 per cent. Election administration is of high quality and scores generated by the Perception of Electoral Integrity project are, therefore, remarkably high.


Author(s):  
Humberto Nogueira Alcalá

This article focuses on the constitutional and legal regulation of political parties in Chile, especially from de point of view of the political representation in a democratic system. It also focuses on the actual reform process of the electoral system and the political parties funding in this country.Este trabajo analiza la regulación constitucional y legal de los partidos políticos en Chile, especialmente desde la perspectiva de la representación política que éstos hacen posible en un Estado democrático. El artículo analiza, además, las modificaciones que actualmente se están discutiendo en este país, relativas al sistema electoral y a la financiación de los partidos políticos.


Author(s):  
Nathan Allen

This chapter examines the evolution of the Indonesian electoral system and its effects on political outcomes. Although Indonesia has repeatedly chosen to conduct elections using proportional representation, electoral rules have changed considerably over time. The chapter traces two trajectories of reform in the post-Suharto era: one restricting opportunities for small parties and the other restricting the power of party leadership. Efforts to shape party system outcomes using electoral rules have succeeded in some areas, particularly in preventing the formation of regional partisan cleavages. Yet the proliferation of political parties in the face of reforms meant to consolidate the party system underline the limits of institutional design.


1995 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herman Bakvis ◽  
Laura G. Macpherson

AbstractThis article examines two contrasting views of Quebec block voting in federal elections. One view has it that the Quebec electorate tends to behave in a monolithic fashion; the other, put by Cairns in 1968, claims that this phenomenon is “a contrivance of the electoral system, not an autonomous social fact.” The evidence shows that block voting, namely, the degree to which an electorate mobilizes behind the largest party, is much more pronounced in Quebec than it is in other provinces, and especially when compared to that in Ontario. Quebec is also more likely than Ontario to determine which party forms the government. The tendency of the electoral system to magnify seat allocations to the largest party, however, is only marginally greater in Quebec relative to Ontario. At the same time, the composition of the Quebec “block” vote has varied considerably over time; it has not always been a distinctively francophone phenomenon. The article further challenges the assumption that the single-member plurality system is inherently inferior to proportional representation as a means of securing the protection of minorities in ethnically diverse societies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Aisah Putri

In both Malaysia and Indonesia, Islamic organizations have played signifcant roles not only in civil society, but also in political society. By contrasting the Malaysian and Indonesian cases, this paper builds a notion arguing that it is possible for the Islamic organizations in civil society to objectively and actively oversee the state even when they are strongly linked to political parties. However, it needs specifc conditions, namely a democratic system, a weak political coalition, and an independent integration process to allow Islamic organizations to move into political society. This argument is also antithetical to a popular neo-Tocquevilleans argument that civil society should be separated from political society to function e?ectively.


Xihmai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (26) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Arturo Sosa Echeverrí­a [1]

ResumenDesde la inclusión del sistema electoral mixto para la composición de los órganos legislativos del paí­s, solo existí­a un mecanismo para acceder a las curules de representación proporcional a través de las listas que presentaban los partidos polí­ticos para esa elección en particular; de manera muy reciente, algunas legislaturas locales han adoptado un mecanismo que incluye al sistema tradicional y un nuevo método de acceder a esos espacios: además de esa lista tradicional se prevé la conformación de la segunda lista, compuesta por los candidatos que participaron en la elección bajo el principio de mayorí­a relativa; ambas listas la tomará el órgano electoral respectivo para que de forma alternada se asignen los diputados que a cada partido correspondan. Esto implica que, aunque hayan perdido la elección, los candidatos que hicieron campaña y recibieron el voto directo del electorado tienen posibilidad de arribar al Congreso, lo que genera un sentido legitimador en los diputados plurinominales porque son ellos a quienes la ciudadaní­a otorgó su voto de manera directa, además que, de este modo, se fomenta la participación ciudadana porque el elector ve reflejado su voto en la persona a quien él se lo otorgó.Palabras clave: Democracia, Elección, Representación Proporcional.AbstractSince the inclusion of the mixed electoral system for the composition of the legislative bodies of the country, there was only a mechanism to access the proportional representation seats, this was, by presenting lists of political parties for this election in particular; Very recently, some local legislatures have adopted a mechanism that includes the traditional system and a new method of accessing these spaces, this in addition to the traditional list today provides for the formation of the second list consisting of candidates who participated in the election under the principle of relative majority; both lists will be made by the respective electoral body to go alternately assigning deputies that correspond to each party. This means that candidates who campaigned and received the direct vote of the electorate, but lost the election, have a chance arriving to Congress, creating a legitimizing sense in the multi-named deputies, because they, whom the citizenship granted their vote directly, besides that it encourages citizen participation because the elector his vote reflected the person to whom he gave it.Keywords: Democracy, Election, Proportional Representation    [1] Licenciado en Derecho por la Universidad Autónoma del Estadode Hidalgo; abogado litigante; colaborador en el Instituto Estatal Electoralde Hidalgo con los cargos de Director Ejecutivo de Capacitación Electoraly Educación Cí­vica y Director Ejecutivo Jurí­dico hasta 2015; Subprocurador de Asuntos Electorales a partir del 1 de diciembre de 2015 a la fecha.Docente en el nivel medio superior en las asignaturas de Derecho Mercantil e Introducción al Estudio del Derecho; en el nivel universitario con las asignaturas de Derecho Civil y Derecho Electoral; profesor de la Facultad de Derecho de la UniversidadLa Salle Pachuca en las asignaturas de Derecho Electoral, Derecho Procesal Electoral y Derecho Procesal Penal. Actualmente, trabaja en la Procuradurí­a General de Justicia del Estado de Hidalgo.


Author(s):  
Piya Sinha

India is considered as the largest democracy in the world. The proper functioning of a democratic system depends upon its electoral politics and election result is the outcome of the mobilization strategies adopted by the different political parties of the country. Thus political mobilization is particularly important in any democratic politics. This paper seeks to understand how the mobilization strategy has been redefined due to the entry of social media into politics. There is no scope to deny the fact that conventional media still play an important role in political mobilization. But the coming into being of social media into politics has made things more interesting, politics more democratic and the electoral system more inclusive. The political leaders irrespective of political parties are trying their best to utilize the social media platforms for their electoral benefits. The paper is evaluating the role of social media in political mobilization as different from conventional media with the expectation that doing away with the fake news will make this new media a prospective media in the near future.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document