Russia and the Baltic states: problematizing the Soviet legacy discourse

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yulia Nikitina
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Former Soviet Republics ◽  
Post Soviet Space

Most studies of the post-Soviet space often explicitly or implicitly analyze Russia not as a new independent state but as the political successor of the USSR, thereby almost automatically leading to conclusions about Russian neo-imperialism. This paper explains how distorted discourses on the Soviet legacy originated and how they obstruct equal relations between Russia and other former Soviet republics using the example of the Baltic states.

scholarly journals Migration from Post-Soviet countries to Poland and the Baltic States: trends and features

Baltic Region ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Vorotnkov ◽  
Andrzej Habarta
Keyword(s):  
Baltic States ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Economic Paradigm ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Migrant Integration ◽  
Migration Flows ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Linguistic Backgrounds ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Post Soviet Space

This article aims to analyse migration from the post-Soviet space to the northeastern periphery of the EU (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) and examine the hypothesis about these states, once countries of origin, turning into destinations for migrants. A change in the socio-economic paradigm and accession to the EU sped up economic development in the Baltics and Poland. Despite growing welfare and income levels and a decline in the unemployment rate, further economic growth was hampered by the outflow of skilled workforce and resulting labour shortages. In response, the governments of the Baltics and Poland drew up programmes to attract international labour. Soon these countries transformed from exporters of labour into importers. Unlike Western European countries, Poland and, to a lesser extent, the Baltic States are trying to attract migrants from neighbouring nations with similar cultural and linguistic backgrounds. In the long run, this strategy will facilitate migrant integration into the recipient society. The Polish and Lithuanian governments are devising measures to encourage ethnic Poles and Lithuanians to repatriate from post-Soviet republics. To achieve the aim of the study, we investigate the features of migration flows, trends in migration, migration policies of recipient countries, and the evolution of diaspora policies.

scholarly journals SUPPORT OF RUSSIAN COMPATRIOT ORGANIZATIONS IN THE BALTIC STATES

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Oleg G. Karpovich ◽  
◽  
Semen S. Boykov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Legal Framework ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
Coordinating Councils ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Specific Interests ◽  
Practical Recommendations ◽  
Post Soviet Space

This article discusses the main problems and contradictions of interaction between the Russian Federation and organizations of Russian compatriots in the Baltic States. Practical aspects of interaction with organizations of compatriots (issues of granting grants, financing activities) are analyzed. The article examines the international legal framework for the activities of organizations of compatriots against the background of opposition to their activities by state bodies in the countries of their location. Russia cannot completely curtail the program of support for compatriots abroad, as this would contradict its state priorities as a regional leader in the post-Soviet space. It is in its interest to continue to provide assistance to the coordinating councils, but only with the specific interests of our country in mind. A critical analysis is presented, as well as practical recommendations for overcoming the existing problems.

scholarly journals Features of Integration Policy of the Russian Federation towards the Baltic States (1992–2009)

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 88-92
Author(s):  
P. I. Pashkovsky
Keyword(s):  
External Factors ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Internal And External Factors ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Post Soviet Space

In this article, the author described features of Russian integration policy towards the Baltic States (1992–2009). I showed that in the first half of the 1990s, the mechanisms of Russian integration policy were bilateral and multilateral negotiations. From the mid to late 1990s, Russia declared the concept of multi-speed and multi-level integration. Under the influence of internal and external factors, Russia in this period is experiencing its decline in influence and the crisis of integration policy in the post-Soviet space. Since the beginning of the 2000s, Russian integration policy has been characterised by the priority of bilateral ties and economic pragmatism. The relations of Russia with Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia in this period are built on mutually beneficial bases, with many unresolved problems and sometimes a high degree of tension. In the second half of the first decade of the XXI century, under the influence of internal and external factors, Russia concentrates on internal modernisation and protection of its interests in the post-Soviet space in general and in the Baltic States region in particular.

THE CONCEPT OF THE BALTIC-BLACK SEA ARC AND UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (1990 - EARLY 2000)

2020 ◽  
pp. 89-108
Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Eastern Baltic ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.

scholarly journals Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Former Soviet Republics ◽  
Post Soviet Space

In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.

Political processes in the post-Soviet space: new trends and old problems

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The authors of the book analyze domestic political processes and international relations in the post-Soviet space. They examine the balance of political forces in Belarus after the presidential elections in August 2020, and transformations of political systems in Ukraine and Moldova. The main features of formation of the political institutions in the countries of South Caucasus and Central Asia and the latest trends in their devel-opment are analyzed. Attention is paid to the Karabakh and Donbass conflicts. The book examines the policy of major non-regional actors (USA, EU, China, Turkey) in the post-Soviet space. The results of develop-ment of the EAEU have been summed up. The role in the political processes in the post-Soviet space of a number of international organizations and associations (the CIS, the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the CSTO etc.) is revealed.

External Threat and Democracy: The Role of NATO Revisited

2006 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas M. Gibler ◽  
Jamil A. Sewell
Keyword(s):  
Regime Type ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Territorial Sovereignty ◽  
External Threat ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Threat Levels ◽  
Determining Factor ◽  
Former Soviet Republics

This article examines the role of NATO in aiding democratic transitions and survival in the former Soviet republics. The authors argue that the level of external threat is a determining factor in centralization, militarization, and ultimately regime type. States tend to be democratic or are likely to make the transition toward democracy when threat levels are low, while autocracies are more likely to be found in states targeted by higher levels of threat. Building on recent findings examining the link between democracies and alliance, the authors demonstrate that NATO has been an effective guarantor of territorial sovereignty and independence in the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Moldova, reducing the level of threat experienced by each state, thus assuring the survival of decentralized and democratic governments. Former Soviet republics targeted by high levels of threat have reverted to or maintained centralized, autocratic forms of government.

scholarly journals Baltic States in NATO: Results of the Decade

2014 ◽  
pp. 9-17
Author(s):  
V. V. Vorotnikov
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
The Baltic

In the post-Soviet period participation in NATO was one of the major goals of euro-atlantic integration for the Baltic states. Political leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have considered participation in the alliance as an important element of euro-atlantic solidarity which allows small - from all viewpoints - states claim decision-making over global issues. This satisfies demands of the political elites and victimized public consciousness for more security, makes it possible for elites to consider their states as bulwark against Russia. Throughout the whole decade, such reasoning has been reflected in doctrines and speeches of Baltic politicians. After joining NATO, the Baltic states became the most active supporters of a deeper integration in the military area and "open door" policy. They have continued reforming their armed forces and renovating military infrastructure. They have acquired "specialization" within NATO by establishing centers of excellence. In terms of euro-atlantic solidarity, the participation in the International Security Assistance Force in Afganistan has become the most important international project for the Baltic states. However, only Estonia managed to mount their defence expenses to the level of 2% GDP. During the „Ukranian crisis" the issue of Baltic membership in NATO acquired special importance. Confrontational rhetoric and appeals to "Russian threat" in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, on the one hand, make it possible for their political leaders to constantly demonstrate their importance in the eyes of Western partners and demand more activity of the alliance and, on the other hand, make ground for the political elites to consolidate the electorate, by that ensuring that the right-wing conservative forces remain in power.

RUSSIAN-UZBEKISTAN RELATIONS IN THE LAST YEARS OF THE PRESIDENCY OF ISLAM KARIMOV

2021 ◽  
pp. 10-52
Author(s):  
Konstantin E. Meshcheryakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
Official Sources ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article investigates the evolution of the Russian-Uzbekistani relations in the last years of the presidency of Islam Karimov (2012–2016). Based on a wide range of official sources and periodicals, it identifies the main trends, achievements and issues of bilateral cooperation in the political, trade, economic and humanitarian spheres. It determines the factors that influenced the interaction between Moscow and Tashkent, and pays a particular attention to the role of the presidents of the two states in the development and strength- ening of their cooperation. The author concludes that throughout the period under review the Rus- sian-Uzbekistani relations faced serious challenges. They were remarkably conflicting, unpredictable, inconsistent, and quite turbulent, what provoked the discussions about the correspondence of their real political condition to their high legal status (in 2004, Russia and Uzbekistan became strategic part- ners, and in 2005, allied states). Nevertheless, the two countries overcame most of their differences and took a course towards the further expansion and deep- ening, as well as modernization of their relations. As a result, at present Uzbeki- stan remains one of the most important Russia’s partners not only in Central Asia, but throughout the post-Soviet space, as well as within the framework of the leading international organizations.

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