Estonian Democratic Labor Party the Estonian Democratic Labor Party and Estonia's Future

1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-203 ◽  

The determination of the Estonian people and the support of Russian democratic forces made Estonia's statehood possible again. But the crisis in society has not yet been overcome. Estonia's further development can go on undisturbed only when there is stability in national relations, taking into consideration the interests and rights of all the groups of society, and people's safety and domestic tranquility is secured. Today, Estonia's prime goal is to become integrated once again into Europe. Experience has already shown that it is possible to join Europe's current movement towards unity only with a modern, civilized, democratic and stable society. This is how EDLP sees the future Estonia, and it is why EDLP is against all political steps that might endanger democracy, political and economic rights and freedoms, restrict a person's or society's free development, or endanger the stability and domestic peace. EDLP is categorically against all kind of extremism in the political sphere and is intolerant of discrimination aimed against political views. Without opposition there is no democracy. The majority may be right, but the minority has the right to its views, the right to express and protect those views freely—this is the firm conviction of the EDLP.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


1974 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. R. Halmos

For each non-empty subset Λ of the complex plane, let (Λ) be the set of all those operators (on a fixed Hilbert space H) whose spectrum is included in Λ. The problem of spectral approximation is to determine how closely each operator on H can be approximated (in the norm) by operators in (Λ). The problem appears to be connected with the stability theory of certain differential equations. (Consider the case in which Λ is the right half plane.) In its general form the problem is extraordinarily difficult. Thus, for instance, even when Λ is the singleton {0}, so that (Λ) is the set of quasinilpotent operators, the determination of the closure of (Λ) has been an open problem for several years (3, Problem 7).


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-302
Author(s):  
Ja’far Mohammad Khair Al Sabbagh

States’ boundaries have changed to a large extent over the course of time, in fact, the world has not always been the same as nowadays. In place of archaic forms of social organisation, the universal order has appeared where determinate and inviolable borders play a crucial role in ensuring the stability of states and resisting separatist movements. At the same time, secessionist movements throughout the world continually aim to gain independence from the ‘parent’ state invoking the right to self-determination. In this paper, the researcher will examine whether a part of the population of a state or a sub-unit of that state has a right to secede and create a new state and/or integrate into another. The article consists of a strong theoretical part dealing with statehood, self-determination and secession with a view of the dynamic development of these notions since the rapid birth of many new states as a result of decolonization. Thereafter, the validity of the gathered results will be verified by a comparative analysis of the cases of Kosovo, Crimea and Catalonia with regard to the historical background of these secessionist entities.


Author(s):  
Kostiantyn Mamonov ◽  
Svitlana Kamchatnaya ◽  
Yevhen Orel ◽  
Oleksandr Saiapin

The purpose of this article is to study and develop a methodological approach tosolving the problem of accuracy of the geodetic base of the route. For this purpose, the followingtasks are set: mathematical substantiation the dependence of the line length on the ratio of the traceslope and the guide slope; description of the function of optimal use of the guiding slope at highspeed; determination of the impact of errors in the course of the geodetic justification on the routelength. Starting from the determined point and further to the right, artificial development of the lineis required. Because when a trace is planed using level curves, this point can be reached sooner orlater, and in some cases, this point can not be reached not at all, the line length designed accordingto the plan will be slightly different than in the case of tracing with usage the exact data. Thus, theobtained results indicate the following. If the error positions during a high-speed segment are suchthat the ordnance datum of the passage is less than the truth, the route length will be less than thetrue and vice versa. This trivial result indicates that the location of geodetic support points ondifferent sides of the pass is not recommended. It is established that due to the accumulation of errorsin the transmission of coordinates in the working substantiation networks, the conditions of the linedesign and the amount of operating costs change. It is mathematically substantiated that the linelength depends on the depth of the excavation on the pass and the height of the embankment at thepoint, and also on the difference of ordnance datum at these points. The difference between the traceslope and the guiding slope has an inversely proportional effect. In addition, the function of optimaluse of the guide slope at a high-speed segment has the form of a broken line according to its fracturesthe need for artificial development of the route can be established. The influence of errors in the course of the working justification is manifested in the discrepancy between the true and projectedroute length. If this error is not taken into account, it will lead to significant overspending duringbuilding a longer line than necessary. Further development of the problem of increasing the accuracyof tracing and reducing the impact of errors is planned in the direction of creating methods of digitalmodelling and automated programs.


Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Golubok

The article analyses the drafting history and background of the ‘political clause’ of the European Convention on Human Rights – Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 which provides for the right to free elections. It discusses main concepts developed by the Strasbourg Court's jurisprudence concerning that clause. Special attention is devoted to the new trends in the case-law, including gradual emergence of procedural obligations under Article 3, its interplay with other substantive provisions of the Convention, the influence of the ‘soft-law’ instruments emanating from other organs of the Council of Europe, primarily texts of the Venice Commission. In conclusion, two options regarding further development of the Court's case-law on the right to free elections are proposed: the avenue of newly emerging guarantees and the avenue of two (narrower and wider) layers of protection.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wm. Roger Louis

As the Allied troops overran the German colonies the First World War British publicists began to debate whether these territories should be returned to Germany, placed under some sort of international control, or sliced up and annexed by the conquering powers. There was little support for the proposal to hand diem back to Germany. In part this was because of the widely held belief that the Germans were guilty of “atrocities” in Africa no less appalling than those committed in King Leopold's Congo Free State before it was annexed by Belgium in 1908. The real question was whether the German colonies should be annexed or “internationalized.” On the left of the political spectrum the Independent Labor Party urged international administration as a means of uprooting imperialism as a cause of war. On the right the conservative press advocated annexation pure and simple as a means of preventing war by strengthening the British Empire. The mandates system itself was a compromise between these opposing ideas. It was viewed by those on the left as a limited triumph in the cause of internationalization; and by those on the right as annexation in all but name.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Stefanus Hendrianto

Previous studies on the development of socio-economic rights in Indonesia heavily focus on the Constitutional Court’s decisions in upholding the rights. But there is still minimum study on the political economy behind the development of socio-economic rights in Indonesia. This article will analyze the development of socio-economic rights through the lenses of the right to social security. This article relies on two major theoretical frameworks to analyze the development of the right to social security in Indonesia. The first theoretical framework is the authoritarian constitutionalism in the economic sphere. The second theoretical framework in this article is Kathrine Young’s theory of the construction of socio-economic rights. This article postulates that the rights to social security has been constitutionalized but not constituted in Indonesia for several reasons. First, and foremost, the legacy of authoritarian constitutionalism that prioritizing economic growth over the fulfilment of social economic rights. The “growth” ideology has contributed to the discrepancy between the constitution and reality, in which the government merely considers protection of socio-economic rights as extra cost, which will hamper the growth of the economy. Second, the lack of philosophical and comparative analysis in the interpretation of rights to social security. Third, the transformation of the Court as a detached court in the enforcement of the rights to social security. The element of detachment is clearly seen in the Court’s too much deferral to the Executive and Legislative branches in defining the scope and meaning of the right to social security. Finally, the failure of social movement to create a new narrative on injustice and the importance of rights to social security.


1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-703 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Overacker

In The Politics of Equality, Leslie Lipson points out that modern party organization has “exorcised some of the old devils from the body politic but has invoked others that are new and, as yet, untamed.” Applying to parties John Dewey's statement that“Individuals can find the security and protection that are prerequisites for freedom only in association with others—and then the organization these associations take on, as a measure of securing their efficiency, limits the freedom of those who have entered into them…. We have now a kind of molluscan organization, soft individuals within and a hard constrictive shell without.…,”Lipson adds: “How to harden the individuals and to soften the shell, both to the right degree, remains one of the outstanding political problems of our century.”American parties are extremely soft-shelled mollusks—if, indeed, they have any shell at all. In contrast, the Australian Labor party has as hard a shell as any mollusk in the political zoo.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1377-1385
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Ivanov

The authors analyse the existing problems related to the determination of the extent and nature of harm caused by a crime to a legal entity in accordance with the legislation of Russia and Vietnam in theory and practice. According to the authors, the current legislation of Russia and Vietnam defines various methods, the use of which makes it possible to determine the characteristics of harm for a victim – a legal entity, such as: the investigative proceedings, the conduct of criminal intelligence measures, the examination of documentary records, audits, and other studies. At the end of the research the authors formulated the conclusion that now there are difficulties in determining this type of harm as business reputation, as a result of this phenomenon the right of a victim for harm compensation is limited. Consequently, the further development of the system of legislation requires the creation of the most effective methods in order to quickly and expediently establish the nature and extent of non-property damage (including business reputation) caused by a crime to a legal entity.


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