Russian Strategy towards the Post-Soviet Space in Europe: Searching for Balance between Economy, Security, and Great Power Attractiveness

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (6) ◽  
pp. 604-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Skriba
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov

In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Natalizia

AbstractDespite recurring elections and the transition to multiparty systems, authoritarianism has re-emerged in the Post-Soviet Space. Along with domestic factors, the external dimension should also be considered to fully understand this regional trend. Scholars depict Russia as a typical ‘black knight’ for democracy. While most of the literature deals with the Kremlin's policies in the ‘new’ Eastern Europe, this article pays attention to Russia's actions in the relatively understudied Southern Caucasus. Specifically, it investigates why and how Moscow tried to thwart democratization in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The diachronic analysis addresses three periods, namely, Yeltsin's presidency, the first Putin presidency and the Putin–Medvedev diarchy. Findings suggest that the Kremlin implemented an increasingly nuanced and intentional black knight strategy in Southern Caucasus, aimed at gaining primacy in the Post-Soviet Space and recognition of its great power status.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-99
Author(s):  
Andrej Krickovic ◽  
Igor Pellicciari

Russia’s approach to alignment and regional integration has evolved dramatically—from a focus on the West and disinterest and neglect of regional integration in the 1990s, to vigorous efforts to reintegrate the post-Soviet space under Russian leadership in the period between 2009 and 2014, to forming a “Greater Eurasia” that transcends the post-Soviet space and includes China and other non-Western powers (such as Turkey, India, and Iran) today. Status concerns are key to understanding this evolution in policy and vision as a declining Russia struggles to avoid losing great power status. Russia initially eschewed its relationships with post-Soviet states in favor of integration with Europe and the West, which seemed to offer greater status gains. When Russia failed to find a place in the Western liberal order and “Greater Europe” commensurate with its status aspirations, it shifted its attention to regional integration of the post-Soviet space, believing this would make Russia, in the words of President Putin, “one of the poles in a future multipolar world.” However, integrating the post-Soviet space proved to be an arduous task (that failed miserably in Ukraine) and did not yield the status gains Russia hoped for. The scope of Eurasian integration has now shifted to the formation of a “Greater Eurasia,” as Russia looks to gain status through its association with more dynamic rising and emerging powers.


2010 ◽  
pp. 94-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Vinokurov ◽  
A. Libman

The paper applies a new dataset of the System of Indicators of Eurasian Integration to evaluate the changes of level and direction of economic interaction of the post-Soviet states in the last decade. It analyzes the integration dynamics in the area of trade and migration as well as on three functional markets of agricultural goods, electricity and educational services. The paper concludes that the level of trade integration on the post-Soviet space continues declining, while there is a rapid increase of the labor market integration. Three largest countries of the Eurasian Economic Community - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan - demonstrate positive integration dynamics, but small countries maintain the leading position in the area of post-Soviet integration.


Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.


Author(s):  
U.S. ALIYEV

In the context of the formation of a new world order, there is a need to make changes to the development strategy of the Eurasian Economic Union and, even more broadly, integration processes in the post-Soviet space. These changes should take into account the changes taking place in the world, the emergence of new properties of world politics, which are often generically called turbulence. The components of turbulence are conflictness and uncertainty, but this is not the whole list, there are other components. On the example of the Transnistrian conflict settlement, it is shown that success in this process is possible if we are not confined to the conflict itself, but we act on the basis of Russias and the European Unions mutual desire to reduce conflictness in the world and in the European region. Uncertainties can be contrasted with the emergence of military-political factor as the leading one of Eurasian integration in the form of rapprochement and the gradual merger of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Collective Security Treaty Organization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 145-152
Author(s):  
V. D. KOVALEVA ◽  
◽  
Z. R. KOCHKAROVA ◽  
L. V. IONIDI ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the urgent problem of taxation of the EAEU countries, the methods of tax burden optimization are disclosed, the feasibility of using the tax burden indicator as a criterion for the level of economic development of a business entity is substantiated, the tax burden of the countries of the Eurasian and post-Soviet space is analyzed, a tax burden optimization technique based on controlling tools is proposed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.


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