Political and institutional constraints on structural reforms: interpreting the Italian experience

Modern Italy ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini
Keyword(s):  
Financial Markets ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Reforms ◽  
Italian Experience ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government

During 2011 Italy reached the verge of a financial default because of its huge public debt. Neither the centre-right nor the centre-left governments that alternated in power in the 2000s were able to introduce the reforms necessary for reducing the debt and promoting growth. The impotence of the government became incompatible with the requirements of the country's continued presence in the eurozone. In November 2011, under the pressure of financial markets and eurozone institutions and leaders, the incumbent centre-right government was obliged to resign, and was substituted by a government composed of technocrats and experts, the Monti government. This lasted until December 2012 and was supported in parliament by a cross-partisan coalition; it was able to introduce some of the structural reforms required, because of the threat of default but also because it did not need to seek the electoral support of powerful constituencies. This article advances an interpretation of the Italian crisis of November 2011, identifying the political and institutional structures and the specific political conditions that fostered a policy stalemate in the country in the 2000s and whose persistence makes the continuation of reforms after the February 2013 elections uncertain.

The Political Economy of Macroeconomic Policy in Resource-Rich Arab Economies

2019 ◽  
pp. 17-51
Author(s):  
Adeel Malik
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Macroeconomic Policy ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
The Political ◽  
Macroeconomic Policies ◽  
Resource Rents ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Oil Rents ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Political Objective

Revisiting the macroeconomic policies and outcomes of Arab resource-rich economies (RREs), this chapter synthesizes the political economy considerations that underpin policy choices. It argues that, in the context of Arab RREs, fiscal policies play a particularly important role in absorbing natural resource rents. Even where monetary policy has greater room to operate, existing policy frameworks are not geared toward domestic targets, such as inflation and unemployment. I argue that the political objective function is essential for understanding these macroeconomic arrangements. With weak productive constituencies and few institutional constraints, macroeconomic policy involves limited feedback from the private sector and upholds the interest of the sovereign. In this milieu, institutional constraints on fiscal policy are more important than central bank independence (CBI). The chapter also discusses the stability implications of current macroeconomic arrangements, arguing that such stability is almost entirely predicated on the uninterrupted flow of oil rents rather than resilient institutional structures.

scholarly journals SOME APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF CONCEPTS POLITICAL IMAGE AND NETWORK IMAGE

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (33) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
L.V. Chernyshova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
High Speed ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Very High

The article discusses various approaches to the study of political and network image. With the advent of modern election campaigns, it has become clear that image is an inevitable part of a successful campaign. The political image as an object of research began to appear in political science, sociological and communication studies since the 50s of the twentieth century. The political image in modern conditions is becoming such an important factor, politicians who seek to gain power or keep it must be reckoned with it. In modern socio-political conditions and the reduction of ideological differences between political parties and their leaders, their image, through which their authority is reflected, is becoming an increasingly important factor determining the difference between candidates and political parties. For the modern voter, the political image becomes more important than the ideological positions of the candidate and the party. If political parties concentrate on the “average” voter and do not show serious ideological differences, differences in election programs, the image of a political leader becomes the most important factor. Voter confidence depends on image. It is important to determine the audience for whom the political image is being created. A traditional audience is one that has long followed a particular political unit or politics as a whole. The success of the political image and the candidate depends on strategic research, which, among other things, shows what the image of the candidates should be like in these elections. The political image should be aimed at creating voters' confidence in the political leader and developing confidence in the competence of the politician, in his ability to solve pressing problems of society. The political image serves simple purposes - to “win the hearts of citizens” and mobilize their electoral support. But it is not enough to form the image of the candidate, it must be conveyed to the voter without distortion. The modern world has long entered the digital age, where information is distributed through electronic media at a very high speed. Internet technologies for the formation of a political image are beginning to become increasingly important. In the last decade, this issue has become urgent.

scholarly journals Political will is a required condition effective combating corruption.

2020 ◽  
pp. 359-365
Author(s):  
Kvasha Oksana
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Will ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government

Effective counteraction to corruption at all levels is not possible without the symbiosis of such components as influencing the causes and conditions of corruption, creating systemic anti-corruption legislation, its effective application to all without exception manifestations of corruption in all levels of state power. However, such a symbiosis can only produce a positive result if the political will of the state leadership is available. I would call it a "conditio sine qua non" (a condition without which there is) overcoming corruption in the country, because in Latin "conditio sine qua non" means "a necessary condition", a necessary condition for the result. Political will in combating corruption is not only the will of the political leader (head of state) as an individual, but also the will of individuals from his immediate environment. Only political will is capable of ensuring the effectiveness of all other necessary components of counteracting corruption. The political will of the leadership of the state is a conditio sine qua non of minimizing corruption in the country, that is, a condition without which effective counteraction to corruption and corruption crime in Ukraine is impossible. The presence of political will is a prerequisite in the chain of others who are not capable of effectively preventing the spread of corruption in the absence of political will of the government. No other political conditions, economic, social or legislative levers will succeed in reducing corruption. Therefore, a promising direction for further research on this issue is the development of a scientifically sound mechanism for political influence of the government on the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in Ukraine.

Shaping their own Destiny

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-183
Author(s):  
Timothy Hellwig ◽  
Yesola Kweon ◽  
Jack Vowles
Keyword(s):  
Great Recession ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Environment ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Hard Times ◽  
Fiscal Austerity ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Impact

Did the GFC and Great Recession reshape how voters choose among party policy offerings? In this chapter we show that, since 2008, electoral support for the mainstream parties on the centre-left and centre-right has waned, while challenger parties have grown. Multivariate analyses of election returns trace some of this shift in party support to the effects to the policies of austerity and to the accumulation of public debt. The ideological implications of the crisis era for support among the political mainstream are less apparent but a consideration of elite cues produces a ‘crisis effect’. This effect, however, is shaped by the policy environment. Voting for the mainstream left declines, especially in settings of fiscal austerity. Furthermore, the relative effects of these settings vary with time. Short-term fiscal efforts in the form of stimulus or austerity did much to sway voters during the shock years of 2008 and 2009. With time, however, the impact of these short-term efforts weakened. In the longer run, we find that policy rhetoric can prop up support for the left and for challengers during continued hard times.

scholarly journals Peran Politik Terhadap Pengembangan Dan Implementasi Kurikulum

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-143
Author(s):  
Septriyan Anugrah ◽  
Nizwardi Jalinus ◽  
Rijal Abdullah ◽  
Mudjiran Mudjiran ◽  
Diah Anggraini Austin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Curriculum Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
National Education ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
National Education System ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Times

Efforts to improve the quality of education continue to be carried out by the government, one form of this effort is the development and review of the curriculum so that it is under the times. Several factors underlie curriculum development, including philosophical, psychological, socio-cultural, political, state development and world development, and science and technology (IPTEK) foundations. The process of changing the curriculum in various countries cannot be adapted to the political conditions in that country, therefore the educational curriculum may change at any time according to the political conditions that affect the country concerned. This study aims to analyze and describe the influence of politics on curriculum development in the National Education System. This research is qualitative research using a literature study approach. Furthermore, data were collected through document study.

scholarly journals The deposition of Lumumba by Kasavubu, some constitutional considerations

Afrika Focus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal Procedures

Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that 'The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister' was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu's unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba's political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.KEY WORDS : Congo, Constitution, Lumumba, Politics 

scholarly journals De Afzetting van Lumumba Door Kasavubu, Enkele Grondwettelijke Beschouwingen

Afrika Focus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal Procedures

The Deposition of Lumumba by Kasavubu, some Constitutional Considerations Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that ‘The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister’ was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu’s unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba’s political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.

scholarly journals The Limits of Nationalist Politics: Electoral Culture and Mobilization in Germany, 1890-1903

2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-169
Author(s):  
Brett Fairbairn
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
Do So

Abstract With Germany's unification, nationalism became an entrenched part of the political culture, until its role was challenged by the rise of social “fairness” issues in the 1890s. In the first decades of the Reich, campaigns against minorities like Catholics, Poles, and Social Democrats helped cement the progovernmental forces, especially in intense “national” elections. The Kartell elections of 1887, in particular, created a patriotic coalition that remained a significant factor in electoral politics for over twenty years. But in the 1890s, nationalist coalition-building became increasingly difficult as the Kartell parties lost support, drifted apart, and competed more and more with one another. The government made efforts to shore up its allies, but these efforts failed to halt the disintegration. Significantly, while some argued the government should use the naval issue or the tariff issue (Sammlungspolitik) to influence the elections of 1898 and 1903, the government was unable to do so. Instead, increasing electoral support went to the parties that were perceived as '“mass” parties, especially the Catholic Centre and Social Democrats. These parties organized social-interest constituencies by appealing to “fairness” issues like suffrage, civil liberties, and fair taxation.

scholarly journals LINKING CRISIS AND EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT IN STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT PROCESS OF NGOs IN GAZA STRIP.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-14
Author(s):  
Amina Elzaanin ◽  
Ayi Ahadiat ◽  
Habibullah Jimad
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Management ◽  
Emergency Management ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significance Level ◽  
Management Processes ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Strategic Management Process

NGOs play an important and clear role in development and relief programs in Gaza Strip. Due to the political conditions that Gaza Strip is going through and to the limited services which are presented by the government in Gaza Strip. Although of the remarkable role of these organizations, they face problems and shortcomings in management in times of crises and emergencies. This study aims to show how to link crisis and emergency management to the process of strategic management of NGOs in Gaza Strip. This study sheds lights on some aspects of the functions of strategic management processes and also it investigates some aspects of the possibility of NGOs dealing with disasters in Gaza Strip. The descriptive analytical method was used to achieve the objectives of the study. The researcher used a questionnaire to collect data. The study sample consisted of 120 employees working in NGOs. The current study shows some weakness in crisis and emergency management. Furthermore, there is a positive relationship between the formulation, implementation and evaluation of strategy and crisis and emergency management for NGOs in Gaza Strip. The results showed that there is a statistically significant relationship at the significance level (a ≤ 0.05) between strategic management processes and crisis and emergency management in NGOs in Gaza Strip.

Clientelism and Social Funds: Evidence from Chávez's Misiones

2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 63-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Penfold-Becerra
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Program ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
Political Variables

Abstract The latest president in Latin America to adopt social funds on a large scale as an integral part of his government program has been Hugo Chávez Frías of Venezuela. Based on the literature on clientelism and social funds in Latin America, this article finds that Venezuela's latest experiments with social funds were influenced by political variables. It uses empirical data from the distribution of resources for some of the subnational misiones programs to show how, given increased levels of electoral competition and weak institutional constraints, the government used these funds clientelistically, even while distributing oil income to the very poor. Chávez's misiones served two very different purposes: to manipulate the political context and to distribute funds directly to the low-income population.

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