The origins and consequences of regional parties and subnationalism in India

India Review ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-95
Author(s):  
Rekha Diwakar
Keyword(s):  
Regional Parties

Turkish policy towards Libya after the February 2011 revolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Rafea Shareef Dhanoon
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Military Cooperation ◽  
The West ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Shed Light

The close relations between Turkey and Libya are still on the rise, and this was evident through Turkish support at all levels of the internationally recognized government of Al-Sarraj winner. The Memorandum of Understanding signed between Turkey and Libya on 27 / November 2019, in the areas of security and military cooperation and the determination of areas of influence revealed The navy, the extent of the historical close relationship between Ankara and Tripoli, just as the Turkish President Erdogan wanted to deliver a message to the West and other regional parties after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, that Turkey has a non-negotiable sovereign right to define the maritime spheres of influence and that this right stems from international law. In light of these tracks, we will shed light on the orientations of Turkish policy towards Libya after the February 2011 revolution, by defining the determinants of those trends and examining the most important obstacles in the march of Turkish policy towards Libya.

Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-353
Author(s):  
Rostislav Turovsky ◽  
Marina Sukhova
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Strong Connection ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
Subnational Elections ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.

The Number of Parties and Party System Nationalization in an Integrated Analytical Framework

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 662-681
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Direct And Indirect Effects ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Methodological Tool ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
Number Of Parties

This study develops a methodological tool for integration of research on party system fragmentation and party system nationalization. The method is built by decomposing a standard indicator of fragmentation, the effective number of parties, into individual-party components (effective size scores), and weighting them by nationalization scores, which allows for disaggregating the number of parties into two distinct components, the effective numbers of national and regional parties. As a result, it becomes possible to assess the influences of substantively important factors upon the components of the number of parties and the overall level of fragmentation in a methodologically consistent, quantifiable way. In addition, the proposed framework of analysis differentiates between direct and indirect effects upon party system fragmentation. A preliminary empirical test on a sample from 90 countries demonstrates that the proposed framework for analysis allows for achieving a rich and nuanced understanding of the factors of party system fragmentation.

A model of electoral competition between national and regional parties

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mihir Bhattacharya
Keyword(s):  
Median Voter ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Policy Position ◽  
National Party ◽  
Dimensional Model ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Homogeneous Regions ◽  
Outcome Function

We consider a one-dimensional model of electoral competition with national and regional parties. There are two regions and three parties—one national party and one regional party for each region. We divide the paper into two parts— homogeneous and heterogeneous regions. In the former, the policy positions of the national party and the regional party of the region with the greater number of constituencies coincide with the favorite policy position of the region-wide median voter. In the latter, the national party chooses a policy position in a maximal isolation set, while the two regional parties choose policies on the same side of the national party’s policy as their own respective region-wide medians. For a given outcome function, the national party performs better when the regions are heterogeneous. In the homogeneous regions case, the national party can at best do as well as the regional party of the region with the greater number of constituencies. Our results are broadly consistent with intuition and evidence.

Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities

2014 ◽  
pp. 104-114
Author(s):  
V. Kashin ◽  
T. Shaumyan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Development Economic ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Short And Long Term ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Moment

Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.

ETHNIC AND REGIONAL PARTIES IN THE CEE COUNTRIES: SPECIAL FEATURES AND TRAJECTORIES OF DEVELOPMENT

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Petr Panov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Ethnic Parties ◽  
Administrative Unit ◽  
Important Player ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Administrative Units ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Main Factor ◽  
Level Government

In recent decades, in the context of the transformation of national states and the development of multi-level government, there has been an increase in ethnic/regional political parties in Europe. Ethno-regionalism in the CEE countries has a specific basis related to their imperial past, but despite the similarities, each country has special features concerning the strength of parties, their demands and development. The analysis of the most significant ethnic/regional parties in the CEE countries shows that the main factor affecting their strength is the ethnic structure of the population, especially if it is combined with intense ethnic identity, and the ethnic minority has a historical experience of autonomy/statehood. A favorable combination of these factors results in the stability of the electoral strength of ethnic parties, which makes them an important player in the political arena. Concerning the demands of ethnic parties, it has been confirmed that the localization of the respective ethnic minority has a significant effect. If it is in one administrative unit, it stimulates regionalist aspirations; if it dwells in some compactly located administrative units, an ethnic party usually promotes cross-regionalist demands to create a new region. Under conditions of dispersed localization of a minority, an ethnic party does not put forward regionalist claims.

scholarly journals Verdict 2019: The expanded support base of the Bharatiya Janata Party

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-22
Author(s):  
Sanjay Kumar
Keyword(s):  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Vote Share ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
The North ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
North Indians ◽  
The Cost

The verdict of 2019 indicates that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) not only managed to retain its support base which it built in 2014, but also expanded it both geographically and socially. It managed to win seats in states where it had not performed well in earlier elections, and to get more votes amongst communities which had not voted for it earlier. The Congress could not improve upon its 2014 performance, but it is important to note that neither its votes nor its tally of seats decreased. The BJP improved upon its performance of 2014 largely at the cost of regional parties. The combined vote share of the regional parties witnessed a decline. Some regional parties did manage to hold onto their support base but others could not secure the support base they had held in 2014. In states like Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh (UP), Karnataka and Maharashtra, the regional parties performed badly despite some of them having formed an anti-BJP alliance. The BJP’s gain in terms of vote share and seats, largely at the expense of regional parties in many states, begins a new debate about whether this is the beginning of the end of the dominance of regional parties in the North Indians states, or if it is a passing phase in Indian elections. If this decline in the importance of the regional parties is largely in respect of national elections, could there be a reversal in the trend during state assembly elections?

Ideology, Identity, and the 2014 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Members

The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.

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