The role of communist party branch in employment protection: evidence from Chinese private firms

Author(s):  
Youliang Yan ◽  
Xixiong Xu
Author(s):  
Madara Eversone

The article aims to highlight the role of Arvīds Grigulis’ (1906–1989) personality in the Latvian Soviet literary process in the context of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, attempting to discover the contradictions and significance of Arvīds Grigulis’ personality. Arvīds Grigulis was a long-time member of the Writers’ Union, a member of the Soviet nomenklatura, and an authority of the soviet literary process. His evaluations of pre-soviet literary heritage and writings of his contemporaries were often harsh and ruthless, and also influenced the development of the further literary process. The article is based on the documents of the Central Committee of the Latvian Communist Party, the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Communist Party local organization of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union that are available at the Latvian State Archive of the National Archives of Latvia, as well as memories of Grigulis’ contemporaries. It is concluded that the personality of the writer Arvīds Grigulis, although unfolding less in the context of the Writers’ Union, is essential for the exploration of the soviet literary process and events behind the scenes. The article mainly describes events and episodes taking place until 1965, when Arvīds Grigulis’ influence in the Writers’ Union was more remarkable. Individual and further studies should analyse changes and the impact of his decisions in the cultural process of the 70s and 80s of the 20th century.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1850225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miki Malul ◽  
Mosi Rosenboim ◽  
Tal Shavit ◽  
Shlomo Yedidia Tarba

This paper explores the role of employment protection when powerful external crises reduce demand for products. We first present a theoretical framework that shows that employment protection has a U-shaped effect on abnormal unemployment during a negative exogenous shock to an economy. Using data from the 33 OECD countries, we analyze how the level of employment protection affected the stability of unemployment rates during the recent global economic crisis. The results suggest that countries with an intermediate level of employment protection will have more stable unemployment rates during a world crisis. The policy implication of our paper is that countries should seek a medium level of employment protection that may act as an automatic stabilizer of the economy on the macro level.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Chan ◽  
Stewart Clegg ◽  
Matthew Warr

Under socialist development, the contemporary Chinese Communist Party (CCP) refashions thought management with a changed message. The Party increasingly promotes Chinese cultural values, through a policy of designed corporate culture programs within state-owned and private enterprises. The culture is one that inculcates corporate cultural values “imported” from corporate culture discourses in the Western business world. A curious “translation of ideas” has occurred, ideas that have traveled from the Korean Peninsula and War, through the boardrooms of corporate America and into the mundane practices of the CCP, to build corporate culture. At the core of this culture are practices that Schein has termed coercive persuasion. This article discusses the role of coercive persuasion in two sites: (a) China’s state-owned enterprises and (b) private businesses and social organizations. We conclude that as ideas travel, they may change in substance, whereas in form and functionality, they remain surprisingly similar.


Author(s):  
V.I. Denysenko

The article describes the President Yanukovych and his entourage’s actions taken to establish control over the key branches of power in Ukraine. The role of the Donetsk clan’s particular representatives, mainly AndriiKliuev and SerhiiLyovochkin, in implementing the authority concentration schemes, is explored. The context of building up the floor-crossers coalition (officially named “Stability and Reforms”) in 2010 is highlighted. The reasons for Donetsk clan choosing the non-constitutional way of seizing control over the Parliament are explained, such as: rate of action, low price of deputies’ engagement, keeping up the ideological confrontation façade with Julia Tymoshenko’s Bloc and «Our Ukraine – People’s Self-Defence» parliamentary alliance. MykolaAzarov’s cabinet (named March 11, 2010) is analyzed, with specific influential groups identified within its composition, such as MykolaAzarov’s, AndriiKliuev’s, RinatAkhmetov’sDmytroFirtash’s and Victor Yanykovych’s clientele. The quotas of Litvin’s Block, Ukraine’s Communist Party and Russian lobbies have been distinguished. The responsible assignments in security ministries data has been generalized. The fact that Victor Yanukovych’s entourage had established full actual control over top officials of the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine in the eve of the Presidential Elections 2010 decisive second ballot is emphasized. The Prosecutor General’s Office, Security Service, Foreign Intelligence, Border Police and National Security and Defense Council’s governing authorities personnel has been analyzed. Specific attention has been paid to AndriiPortnov’s role in implementing the judicial reform aimed at depriving the Ukrainian judiciary of any independence, with the Presidential Office, namely AndriiPortnov, gaining the decisive impact over its activities and preserving but formal procedures and formulas from the relatively autonomous judiciary built under Victor Yushchenko. The facts of placing pressure upon the judges voicing dissent over the reform have been revealed.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Youliang Yan ◽  
Xixiong Xu

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and how affiliation with the government-controlled business association, namely, China Federation of Industry and Commerce (CFIC), affects corporate philanthropy in an emerging market. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of survey data gathered from Chinese private firms, this paper conducts multiple regressions to examine the impact of the CFIC membership on corporate philanthropy. Findings Empirical results show that the CFIC membership of private entrepreneurs is significantly positively associated with corporate philanthropy. Moreover, this study finds that the provincial marketization level and the firm Communist Party branch attenuate the positive association between CFIC membership and corporate philanthropy, indicating that the effect of CFIC on corporate philanthropy is more pronounced in regions with lower marketization level and firms without Communist Party branch. The findings are robust to various alternate measures of corporate philanthropy and remain valid after controlling for potential endogeneity. Practical implications Firms will be more active in corporate philanthropy to respond to the government’s governance appeal when they join the CFIC. This highlights the implications of political connections and in particular on the value of government-controlled business associations in the Chinese business world. Originality/value This study extends the literature on the determinants of corporate philanthropy and deepens the theoretical understanding of the governance role of business association with Chinese characteristics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 377-423
Author(s):  
Slađana Josipović Batorek ◽  
Valentina Kezić

The Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (CPY) rise to power in 1945 was followed by a period of fundamental socio-political changes that encompassed all aspects of life. In order to establish a complete political and ideological authority, the government attempted to suppress all elements which, in their view, were not aligned with the doctrine of the Communist Party. As a result, everything that was perceived as remnants of the old socio-political order was marginalised, such as religion, tradition and customs. Moreover, reinterpretation of the past also took place, as well as creation of new rituals and Tito’s cult of personality. Accordingly, a completely new calendar of official, state holidays was established, deprived of any national or religious tradition. One of those holidays was May Day, which was celebrated for two days and whose purpose, like most other holidays of that period, was to create uniqueness of feelings and actions in society, focusing on the working class, socialism, CPY, Yugoslavia and Josip Broz Tito. Besides, celebrations of major anniversaries and holidays, including May Day, presented an opportunity for transmission of ideological and political messages, most often articulated through numerous slogans which clearly defined the direction in which the society should move. The media played a key role in this process. Therefore, the central part of the paper consists of the analysis of newspaper articles from Glas Slavonije in order to understand its role in the implementation of those new political rituals and social values.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 65-87
Author(s):  
Li Xing

This article proposes a framework for understanding the way the Chinese Revolution emerged, developed and achieved power (1921-49), then further consolidated in the period of socialist 'uninterrupted revolution' (1949-77) and was finally abandoned by the post-Mao regime (1977 to the present). This analysis is based on a perspective of discourse theories framed in historically new forms of political, social and ideological relations. In other words, it attempts to conceptualize the transformation of China and the Chinese Communist Party by analysing the role of ideological discourses (arguments and interpretations) and the cognitive elements (beliefs, goals, desires, expertise, knowledge) as the driving-force behind societal transformations. The discourse theory applied here – logocentrism and econocentrism – also serves both as a political arena of struggle to confer legitimacy on a specific socio-political project and as a distinctive cog ni tive and evaluative framework for understanding societal transformations. The conceptualization of the paper is informed by the work of David Apter and Tony Saich on discourse theory.


Author(s):  
Madara Eversone

It was in the interests of the Communist Party to create a representative image of Latvian Soviet writers, which would represent the interests of the party and at the same time oversee the course of literary life in the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union. Such was the writer Žanis Grīva in the Latvian Soviet literary process. The influential positions in the Soviet nomenclature gave him power in the creative environment and created opportunities to monitor the implementation of the Communist Party’s course. The article aims to put forward the personality of Žanis Grīva in the context of the research of the Latvian soviet literary process and the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, proposing several issues to be further researched and developed in the future. The article is based on the documents of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Communist Party local organization of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, and the personal file of Žanis Grīva in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia, and documents of the Žanis Grīva collection that are available at the Latvian State Archive of the National Archives of Latvia, as well as Žanis Grīva’s personal documents regarding his life and professional activities that are available at the Aleksejs Apinis Rare Books and Manuscripts Reading Room at the National Library of Latvia. Memories of contemporaries were also investigated. It is concluded that the role of Žanis Grīva in the Latvian soviet literary process and the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union is political and purposefully constructed by the Communist Party, and has little to do with literature and literary talents. It can be assumed that Žanis Grīva has negatively affected the creative activity of some members of the Writers’ Union, such as Gunārs Priede.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862110494
Author(s):  
Waquar Ahmed

I am fascinated by Marx’s openness to learning and engagement with diverse intellectual traditions—political economic, German and Greek philosophy, utopian socialist tradition, and English literature to name a few. Marxism for me, hence, is engagement and conversations with eclectic ideas, with fidelity to the communist manifesto, and in turn, its commitment to equality and justice. In this paper, while highlighting my own journey as a student of Marx’s scholarship, I examine the key role hegemony plays in our society. Formal education, I argue, is hegemonic to the extent that it is geared at producing docile individuals, particularly from oppressed sections of the society, that internalize theories and concepts favorable to elites: it should not surprise us when the oppressed act or vote against their own interest. Yet some centers of learning are also epicenters of counter-hegemonic praxis—one such place is Jawaharlal Nehru University where I unlearn and re-learned my Marxism and began my journey as a Marxist geographer. Additionally, I examine the role of “vulgar Marxism” (unwillingness to engage with contemporary geographically specific challenges) that is often passed off as Marxist orthodoxy and argue that this has been a real threat to the spirit of the Communist Manifesto. I examine the decline of the Communist Party in Bengal in India to highlight how vulgar Marxism can subvert social justice and make the “Communist Party” unpopular.


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