The future of reform in the United Arab Emirates and Qatar

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-281
Author(s):  
Yousef Khalifah al-Yousef
Keyword(s):  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
Abu Dhabi ◽  
Focal Points ◽  
Fourth Section ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Arab Spring

When Britain elected to relinquish its colonies east of the Suez Canal, of which the Emirates and Qatar were a part, doubts were many, among observers, as to the possibility of transforming these sheikhdoms into a unified entity. And, even in the eventuality that such should transpire, wagers were that whatever did would not be characterized by any sort of permanence or sustainability. Despite the fact that the native inhabitants of the region were considering a union that would comprise Bahrain and Qatar, in addition to the seven Emirates, the historical legacy of border disputes with regional states and the influence of global powers colluded to facilitate only the inception of the union in 1971 of the seven Emirates, consisting of Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Al-Sharjah, Ajman, Ra's al-Khaimah, al-Fuairah and Umm al-Quwain, at a time when Qatar and Bahrain had previously announced their independence. This research paper sheds a light on the extent of what the states of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar have accomplished in the spheres of growth and security since their inception, in addition to the nature of the challenges they confront as well as how their governments dealt with the ‘Arab Spring’. Then, it concludes the discussion with some focal points for reform in the coming years. Furthermore, it is the author's belief that the analysis and conclusions derived herein can be considered to have a connection of applicability to the other Arab countries, especially the oil-producing ones, as they are expressive of a pervasive regional developmental crisis. This research is divided into an introduction, five sections and a conclusion. The first section examines the difficult birth of these two entities at the outset of the 1970s; the second section discusses the fragility of the institutional environment and framework of the two states at this stage; the third section shed some light on the constraints and effects of regional development in the two states; the fourth section analyzes the extent of the overspill and of the ‘Arab Spring’ and its repercussions in these two nations; and the concluding section proposes some recommendations for reform for them in the coming years.

Palestinians Sidelined in Saudi-Emirati Rapprochement with Israel

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Abu Dhabi ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Middle Eastern Politics ◽  
Primary Fissure ◽  
The Arab Spring

This essay examines how and why Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have pursued policies that have aligned closer to Israel since 2011. The disruptive impact of the Arab Spring and its turbulent aftermath altered threat perceptions in Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, which increasingly saw Islamism and Iran as the major sources of regional instability. For Saudi and Emirati leaders committed to adopting a more forceful approach to shaping the post-Arab Spring landscape, Israel no longer represented the primary fissure in Middle Eastern politics. Although the process of creating informal ties between the Gulf states and Israel has been decades in the making, the nature of the post-2011 connections between Saudi Arabia and the UAE with Israel have greater strategic depth and are taking place in a far more open setting than ever before.

scholarly journals The Fight for Succession in Saudi Arabia

2019 ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
A. Fedorchenko
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
The Other ◽  
Third Generation ◽  
Social Conflicts ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Modernization ◽  
Saudi Family ◽  
The Arab Spring

The article is devoted to the study of the succession problem in Saudi Arabia. Despite the fact that the Arabian monarchies so far remain outside the zone of the “Arab spring”, domestic political and social conflicts, economic problems are escalated here hiding behind the apparent tranquility. Internal political modernization is closely connected with the change of generations in the top leadership. The country is on the verge of changing the succession system that has existed for many decades, in which power passed from one to the other son of the founder of the Saudi state, King Ibn Saud. Today, when there are almost no real candidates for the throne among this group of royal relatives, the third generation of the Saudi family is entering the struggle for power. The influence of the “Khashoggi case” on the course of the struggle for power is analyzed. The forecast part examines the prospects for reforming of Saudi society, the development of partnerships between Russia and the Kingdom.

A critical metaphor analysis of Arab uprisings in “The Washington Post” and “Keyhan” editorials

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nahid Fallah ◽  
Mohammad Raouf Moini
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
The Other ◽  
Natural Phenomenon ◽  
Washington Post ◽  
Pragmatic Approach ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
Critical Metaphor Analysis ◽  
The Arab Spring

This study examines the metaphorical representation of the Arab uprisings in a number of Arab countries that came to be known as the Arab Spring in the editorials of two newspapers, one Persian and the other in English, namely “Keyhan” and “The Washington Post”. Sixty editorials from the two newspapers were examined for the metaphorical representation of the Arab uprisings during 2011 and the possible ideologies those representations reflect. A cognitive-pragmatic approach was adopted in the analysis of the editorials to uncover any ideology embedded in the fabrics of the text. The results indicated that the newspapers cast the same events in completely different frames. It is shown that these events were mainly portrayed as a religious conflict in “Keyhan”, presenting the dictators and their supporters as unbelievers and the greatest evil and the demonstrators as believers and God’s soldiers. However, the same events were described by “The Washington Post” via a range of different source domains, the main ones being a journey toward democracy, a natural phenomenon and a game between political powers.

Conceptualizing Palestinian Politics in Israel in the Shadow of the Arab Spring

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Jamal
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Palestinian Society ◽  
The One ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Palestinians In Israel

This chapter examines the debates about the conceptualization and practices of resistance in Palestinian society in Israel. It does so in light of two important developments that have had major repercussions for this homeland minority: the social and political upheavals in the Arab Spring states on the one hand and the growing nationalist extremism in Israel, culminating in the passing of the nation-state law in 2018 and the delegitimization of the Joint List in the 2019–2020 elections, on the other. Examining the debates taking place about resistance helps us understand how political subjects active in this community define themselves and others and the meaning and implications of such definitions. Furthermore, it assists in demonstrating how Palestinians in Israel utilize the opportunities inherent in their institutional environment and the tools provided by that environment to facilitate an alternative political ethos that will guarantee it full civil equality and human dignity.

Critical International Relations Theories and the Study of Arab Uprisings: A Critique

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Ahmed M. Abozaid
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Western Perspective

This study articulates that most of the critical theorists are still strikingly neglecting the study of the Arab Uprising(s) adequately. After almost a decade of the eruption of the so-called Arab Uprisings, the study claims that the volume of scholarly engaging of dominate Western International Relations (IR) theories with such unprecedented events is still substantially unpretentious. Likewise, and most importantly, the study also indicates that most of these theories, including the critical theory of IR (both Frankfurt and Habermasian versions), have discussed, engaged, analysed, and interpreted the Arab Spring (a term usually perceived to be orientalist, troubling, totally inappropriate and passive phenomenon) indicate a strong and durable egoistic Western perspective that emphasis on the preservation of the status quo and ensure the interests of Western and neoliberal elites, and the robustness of counter-revolutionary regimes. On the other hand, the writings and scholarships that reflexively engaged and represent the authentic Arab views, interests, and prospects were clearly demonstrating a strong and durable scarce, if not entirely missing. Keywords: International Relations, Critical Theory, Postcolonial, Arab Uprising(s), Middle East, Revolutions.

«Arab Spring»: Transformation of Political Paradigm in Context of International Relations

2012 ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
L. Fituni
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.

scholarly journals The Struggle for Leadership of the Qatari-Turkish Alliance in Somalia

2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
T. R. Khayrullin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Regional Leadership ◽  
Autonomous Regions ◽  
The Arab Spring

The article examines the struggle of the Qatari- Turkish alliance for regional leadership in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The analysis revealed that the foreign policy activity of Turkey and Qatar in Somalia began during the events of the Arab Spring. Ankara and Doha used diplomatic, military and fi nancial instruments to strengthen their infl uence in the country. Moreover, Qatari money played an important role in promoting pro-qatari candidates to power during the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections. However, the eff orts of the Turkish- Qatari alliance to strengthen its position in Somalia have clashed with the interests of the Saudi- Emirati bloc seeking regional dominance. On the other hand, the inability to close the main cooperation with the central government in Somalia forced the UAE to support such autonomous regions as Somaliland, thereby intensifying the destabilization processes in the country.

scholarly journals Understanding the root causes of the conflict in Yemen

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos ◽  
Buthaina Al Hinai
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The Other ◽  
Humanitarian Crisis ◽  
Trace Back ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
The Media ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
The Arab Spring

Following the Arab Spring in 2011, Yemen’s devastating conflicts have deepened even further, leading the country to be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Despite the international community's multiple attempts to resolve this conflict, the conflict seems to have reached a stalemate. To make matters worse, resolving the conflict is made difficult by the large number of parties involved, internally and externally, and by the complex, dual and fluid nature of the relationships they share. Although the media and international community's focus is directed towards the binary conflict between the Hadi government and Saudi Arabia on one side and Iran and the Houthis on the other, the conflict is greatly multifaceted and far from being binary. This paper critically analyzes and explores other participating actors to comprehend the root causes of the conflict entirely. Although this conflict has been advertised as a proxy war, while others trace back the motivation to sectarianism, this paper argues how this analysis can be misleading and hindering the peace process.

scholarly journals Impact of COVID-19 Variants on the Second Wave in India and Subsequent Discretion of Possibilities of the Third Wave

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-126
Author(s):  
Sudarshan Ramaswamy ◽  
Meera Dhuria ◽  
Sumedha M. Joshi ◽  
Deepa H Velankar
Keyword(s):  
Herd Immunity ◽  
Sir Model ◽  
The Other ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Focal Points ◽  
Current Analysis ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Insight Into

Introduction: Epidemiological comprehension of the COVID-19 situation in India can be of great help in early prediction of any such indications in other countries and possibilities of the third wave in India as well. It is essential to understand the impact of variant strains in the perspective of the rise in daily cases during the second wave – Whether the rise in cases witnessed is due to the reinfections or the surge is dominated by emergence of mutants/variants and reasons for the same. Overall objective of this study is to predict early epidemiological indicators which can potentially lead to COVID-19 third wave in India. Methodology: We analyzed both the first and second waves of COVID-19 in India and using the data of India’s SARS-CoV-2 genomic sequencing, we segregated the impact of the Older Variant (OV) and the other major variants (VOI / VOC).  Applying Kermack–McKendrick SIR model to the segregated data progression of the epidemic in India was plotted in the form of proportion of people infected. An equation to explain herd immunity thresholds was generated and further analyzed to predict the possibilities of the third wave. Results: Considerable difference in ate of progression of the first and second wave was seen. The study also ascertains that the rate of infection spread is higher in Delta variant and is expected to have a higher threshold (>2 times) for herd immunity as compared to the OV. Conclusion: Likelihood of the occurrence of the third wave seems unlikely based on the current analysis of the situation, however the possibilities cannot be ruled out. Understanding the epidemiological details of the first and second wave helped in understanding the focal points responsible for the surge in cases during the second wave and has given further insight into the future.

Coup-Proofing in the Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) Region

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Lutterbeck
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Common Finding ◽  
North African ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

Coup-proofing—that is, measures aimed at preventing military coups and ensuring military loyalty—has been a key feature of civil–military relations in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) states. Just as the MENA region has been one of the most coup-prone regions in the world, coup-proofing has been an essential instrument of regime survival in Arab countries. The most commonly found coup-proofing strategies in the region include (a) so-called “communal coup-proofing,” involving the appointment of individuals to key positions within the military based on family, ethnic, or religious ties; (b) providing the military with corporate and/or private benefits in order to ensure its loyalty; (c) creating parallel military forces in addition to the regular military, so as to “counter-balance” the latter; (d) monitoring of the military through a vast internal security and intelligence apparatus; and (e) promoting professionalism, and thus political neutrality, within the military. The experiences of the “Arab Spring,” however, have shown that not all of these strategies are equally effective in ensuring military loyalty during times of popular upheavals and regime crises. A common finding in this context has been that communal coup-proofing (or militaries based on “patrimonialism”) creates the strongest bonds been the armed forces and their regimes, as evidenced by the forceful suppression of the popular uprising by the military in countries such as Syria, or by parts of the military in Libya and Yemen. By contrast, where coup-proofing has been based on the provision of material benefits to the military or on counterbalancing, as in Tunisia or Egypt, the armed forces have refrained from suppressing the popular uprising, ultimately leading to the downfall of these countries’ long-standing leaders. A further lesson that can be drawn from the Arab Spring in terms of coup-proofing is that students of both military coups and coup-proofing should dedicate (much) more attention to the increasingly important role played by the internal security apparatus in MENA countries.

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