Toward a Critical Literacy of the Citizen Marketer Approach

Author(s):  
Joel Penney

This concluding chapter addresses the controversy of “slacktivism” and argues that mediated symbolic action does not necessarily become a substitute for other forms of political participation. However, it does present several notable risks: in addition to potentially exacerbating political polarization and partisanship, it may also attenuate the connection between symbolic victories in the media and complex political realities on the ground. The challenge, then, for those who adopt these practices is to work to retain and strengthen connections between style and substance, which requires introspection about the political content they spread to others and what they hope to achieve by doing so. In addition, a critical literacy of citizen marketing must also include an enhanced awareness of the broader power structures that bear upon it, from elite attempts to shape peer-to-peer political messaging flows to serve institutional agendas to gaps in technological access and skills that reproduce digital inequality.

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-36
Author(s):  
J.T. Abdikerimova ◽  

An attempt is made to give a brief overview of the facts of pressure on the media in the short history of the development of democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It is shown that the existing legal and regulatory framework for ensuring freedom of speech does not guarantee the safety of journalists in the performance of their professional duties. The characteristic features of the interaction between the political establishment and the media are highlighted and described.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nunik Hariyani ◽  
Hermin Indah Wahyuni ◽  
Christian Budiman

This research moves from the reality of media life of area in Madiun of East Java which experiencing changes in line with social politics situation of Indonesia. Media is a commodity that can be exchanged, it is exploit all the potential and various social forces that exist. This study aims to know and analyze the stuctutation of regional mass media, the weekly magazine of Kridha Rakyat in Madiun, East Java. The theory used is the political economy approach that is the structuration according to Vincent Mosco. The method used is descriptive qualitative with data collection technique through interview, observation, ethnography and content analysis. The results show that the media perform the process of production and reproduction of power structures by media rulers (owner) by utilizing media agents and social relationship with other structure outside media. The media produces a series of power-reinforcing powers that ultimately reinforce the media's position.


Author(s):  
Justin W Holmes ◽  
Ramona S McNeal

This article describes how political participation is a central component of democracy. Past research has found that a variety of factors drive individual decisions about participation, including the media that citizens use to gain political information. Social media offers the possibility of engaging citizens in a new way and potentially increasing various forms of participation. In this article, the role that social media use has in fostering a variety for forms of political participation is examined. This article finds that social media use can be a driver of participation, but that this impact is largely contingent on the political predispositions of the user.


Polar Record ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Njord Wegge

ABSTRACTIn the last few years, questions pertaining to cooperation and conflict in the Arctic have emerged in the media, as well as within academia. While many scholars have rightly rejected the prospect of an imminent escalation of conflicts, the current debate is insufficiently informed by the literature on political order within the field of international relations (IR). In this article, the author attempts to explain the political order in the Arctic, situating his analysis within the broader context of IR theory. Guided by the perspectives of ‘hegemonics stability’, ‘balance of power’ and ‘Kantian internationalist theory’, focus is laid on power capabilities, international regimes and domestic regime type as independent variables. The main finding is that the Arctic is a multipolar ‘region,’ the enduring stability and peacefulness of which can be explained by both the role played by international regimes, and by the balance of power between the ‘stakeholders’ involved. The paper concludes by explaining how and why the smaller littoral Arctic states are the prime beneficiaries of this order.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Roni Jayawinangun ◽  
David Rizar Nugroho

Political participation is an important problem because it is one form of support that comes from various parties or groups. Political participation is inseparable from the media as a means of information for the community. Beginner voters are one part of the community whose voice is needed in the political process. Beginner voters with media are two things that cannot be separated, especially the use of social media. The research objective consists of several things, namely: 1). Knowing the characteristics of beginner voters in Bogor Regency; 2). Knowing the use of social media in accessing political news on beginner voters; 3). Analyzing the political typology of beginner voters; 4). Analyzing the segmentation of beginner voter typology based on access to political news on social media. This study used a survey approach and data collection using a questionnaire on 105 respondents. The sampling method uses quota sampling while the data analysis uses descriptive analysis, mean scores and CHAID. The results of this study indicate that the characteristics of beginner voters in Bogor Regency are dominated by women, high school education, not participating in the organization. Instagram is the most widely used social media as access to political news. The typology of beginner voters from the largest percentage is apathetic voters followed by naive, alienated and loyal voters, the media, the more access to news through social media encourages voters to be loyal, without accessing politics through social media makes voters apathetic.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


Author(s):  
Ruqaya Saeed Khalkhal

The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece.        Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


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