Part 5 Emerging Constitutions in Islamic Countries, 5.1 Constitution-Making in Islamic Countries—A Theoretical Framework

Author(s):  
Afsah Ebrahim

This chapter analyzes the challenges of establishing legitimate governance in post-conflict societies. It highlights the fact that the establishment of a stable political community that is not inordinately dependent on repressive violence rests ultimately on the voluntary acceptance by the populace of the given institutional order as legitimate. Increasingly, legitimacy is becoming tied to norms of democratic participation. But the commitment to majoritarian decision-making that lies at the heart of democracy will in and of itself not necessarily yield a stable polity without a modicum of liberalism. This, in turn, depends on a functioning institutional structure and learned behavioral patterns of compromise and legality.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Joel Andreas

Chapter 1 develops a theoretical framework, involving industrial citizenship and autonomy, to analyze authority relations in workplaces. In factories, as in states, citizenship is the essential prerequisite for democratic participation; if workers’ jobs are not secure and they are not recognized as legitimate stakeholders, they cannot claim rights to participate in decision-making and hold factory leaders accountable. To effectively participate, however, also requires autonomy, that is, the freedom to manage your own work, express opinions, and organize collectively. Both citizenship and autonomy are continuous variables, combinations of which produce four ideal types: market despotism (weak citizenship and little autonomy), individual autonomy (weak citizenship but substantial autonomy), paternalism (strong citizenship but little autonomy), and workplace democracy (strong citizenship and substantial autonomy). During the postwar decades, when workers in many countries enjoyed relatively strong industrial citizenship, workplace democracy was on the agenda, even if it was rarely accomplished in practice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.


Author(s):  
Ahmad Zohdi

After Europe experienced renaissance period, it seems that Arab or Islamic countries till now have difficulty to achieve the glory like the era of prophet Muhammad (Rasulullah), Umayyah, Abbasid to the glory of Islam in the Spanish. As one of Islamic thinker (expert), Al-Jabiri arguing that the solutions offered by many experts were not appropriate with the nature concept. Furthermore, He then proposed a critical construction of Arabian epistemological knowledge by analyzing critically the process of Arabian cultural formation. He concluded that the Islamic reasoning had been "dead" because there are no more innovations given since the codification period (ashr at-tadwin) of various scientific fields (tabwib al-ilm) in the middle of 2ndcentury and 3rdcentury of hijri. Since the period, all Islamic epistemologist concept that was born at that time used as a theoretical framework (al-ithar al-marji'i) for the Islamic reasoning until now. Al-jabiri concluded the mainstream Islamic epistemology have existed in the era has three typologies, namely bayani, irfani and burhani. However, ironically the bayani epistemology much more about the Arabian reasoning, so that it created one civilization that is called fiqh civilization (hadlarahfiqh). However, irfani epistemology tends to bring Islamic view into irrational reason. While burhani epistemology is very lacked attention on Islamic view. This thing becomes stumbling to create modern Arab or Islamic era.


Author(s):  
Harvey Siegel

`How should public education in democratic states deal with the cultural diversity brought about by contemporary globalization? My suggestion is that key to democratic public education is the obligation to foster in students the skills and abilities, and attitudes and dispositions, needed to participate fully in democratic decision-making. Of central importance are the abilities and dispositions required for critical thinking and rational argumentation: evaluating arguments of others, constructing arguments of one’s own that might rationally persuade one’s fellow citizens, etc. Without these abilities and dispositions, full participation in democratic decision-making is impossible. But fostering them is problematic when students are members of cultures in which argumentation is frowned upon. In this paper I address this tension, and argue that while respecting cultural differences is of the first importance, in democracies it cannot override the requirements of democracy itself. When these two clash, the requirements of democratic participation must take precedence.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

This chapter introduces the concept of extralegal groups and a theoretical framework for analyzing them—how they emerge, develop, and become entrenched over time. It explores their dual nature as threats to the state and as local statebuilders. Formally, an extralegal group is defined as a set of individuals with a proven capacity for violence who work outside the law for profit and provide basic governance functions to sustain its business interests. This framing shows how political authority can develop as a by-product of the commercial environment, even where the state has little or no presence. In post-conflict societies, the predatory nature and historical abuses of citizens conducted in the name of the state means that government is not always more trusted or better able to look after the interests of local populations than an extralegal group. Ultimately, extralegal groups blur the lines between the formal and informal; the licit and illicit.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 3086
Author(s):  
Marcin Jacek Kłos ◽  
Grzegorz Sierpiński

The intense growth of cities affects their inhabitants to a considerable extent. The issues facing the traveling population include congestion and growing harmful emissions. Urban transport requires changes towards eco-friendly solutions. However, even though new forms of traveling (sharing services) are being implemented, their integration with public transport remains problematic. On account of the large number of available services combined with the absence of their integration, city inhabitants are faced with the dilemma of choosing between one or several transport modes which would enable them to make the given trip. The main goal of this article is to propose a model for integration of different transport services which could support those who intend to travel in the decision-making process. Therefore, the parameters of a model of urban sharing services were identified and classified. The parameters discussed in the paper with reference to an extensive literature review describe how individual sharing services are functioning. What has also been identified is the location-specific factors as well as those related to the potential area of operation which affect the integration with public transport. In order to take all the relevant parameters into account and find a solution to the problem at hand, a multi-criteria decision-making approach has been proposed. To this end, scores and weights determining their impact on the model have been established. For purposes of the solution in question, the relevant calculations were conducted by referring to an actual need to travel between selected locations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
John Garry ◽  
James Pow ◽  
John Coakley ◽  
David Farrell ◽  
Brendan O'Leary ◽  
...  

Abstract How much public and elite support is there for the use of a citizens’ assembly – a random selection of citizens brought together to consider a policy issue – to tackle major, deadlock-inducing disagreements in deeply divided places with consociational political institutions? We focus on Northern Ireland and use evidence from a cross-sectional attitude survey, a survey-based experiment and elite interviews. We find that the general public support decision-making by a citizens’ assembly, even when the decision reached is one they personally disagree with. However, support is lower among those with strong ideological views. We also find that elected politicians oppose delegating decision-making power to an ‘undemocratic’ citizens’ assembly, but are more supportive of recommendation-making power. These findings highlight the potential for post-conflict consociations to be amended, with the consent of the parties, to include citizens’ assemblies that make recommendations but not binding policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shion Maeda ◽  
Nicolas Chauvet ◽  
Hayato Saigo ◽  
Hirokazu Hori ◽  
Guillaume Bachelier ◽  
...  

AbstractCollective decision making is important for maximizing total benefits while preserving equality among individuals in the competitive multi-armed bandit (CMAB) problem, wherein multiple players try to gain higher rewards from multiple slot machines. The CMAB problem represents an essential aspect of applications such as resource management in social infrastructure. In a previous study, we theoretically and experimentally demonstrated that entangled photons can physically resolve the difficulty of the CMAB problem. This decision-making strategy completely avoids decision conflicts while ensuring equality. However, decision conflicts can sometimes be beneficial if they yield greater rewards than non-conflicting decisions, indicating that greedy actions may provide positive effects depending on the given environment. In this study, we demonstrate a mixed strategy of entangled- and correlated-photon-based decision-making so that total rewards can be enhanced when compared to the entangled-photon-only decision strategy. We show that an optimal mixture of entangled- and correlated-photon-based strategies exists depending on the dynamics of the reward environment as well as the difficulty of the given problem. This study paves the way for utilizing both quantum and classical aspects of photons in a mixed manner for decision making and provides yet another example of the supremacy of mixed strategies known in game theory, especially in evolutionary game theory.


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