Indigenous Studies: Brazil

Author(s):  
Tracy Devine Guzmán

Indigenous Studies as a topic of scholarly inquiry in modern-day Brazil comprise over five hundred years of colonial and national history, nearly three hundred distinct peoples with a collective populace of approximately 900,000, and some 270 languages or dialects, many of which approach extinction. Official estimates of indigenous populations have varied tremendously ever since officials began making such assessments during the late 19th century, in large part because a host of political and material interests have always informed and mediated the counting process. Who is indigenous, under what circumstances, with what conditions, and according to whom, are legal and philosophical queries—unresolved and likely unresolvable—that shape not only indigenous-centered scholarship and activism, but also, most importantly, the lived experiences of Native peoples across the country and the region. Political crises and catastrophic environmental disasters since the early 2000s have brought renewed international attention to the critical situation of indigenous Brazil. While non-indigenous peoples, beyond a doubt, also suffered tremendously from the impact of these events, the situation of Native Brazilians has been exceptional for two reasons: First, their miniscule numbers vis-à-vis the general population render them, their collective interests, and their political voices invisible or easily ignorable for the holders of power. Second, legal contradictions render their juridical condition vis-à-vis the Brazilian state unclear, resulting in a long-standing dynamic through which purported indigenous interests are represented not only by non-indigenous entities, but also by non-indigenous entities that are overtly hostile to collective indigenous interests. While distinct state mechanisms for “Indian protection” have been in place since the beginning of the 20th century, they have consistently lacked indigenous leadership or significant indigenous participation and have functioned, more often than not, to the detriment of the purportedly protected population. Indigenous peoples from radically distinct realities have responded to this dire situation in correspondingly distinct ways. Over the past two years, for example, Brazilians saw an indigenous woman (Sonia Guajajara) run for vice-president of their country, at the same time isolated Native communities in the Amazon fled from the National Indian Foundation’s highly controversial efforts to bring them into contact with dominant society for the very first time. In light of these radical differences, any effort to generalize the interests, needs, or lived experiences of Native peoples in Brazil is inherently flawed, resulting in overly simplified renderings of the past and a flattening of diverse Native subjectivities into idealized or demonized “Indianness.” Lauded or reviled, generic “Indians” and their Indianness are time-honored staples of Brazilian national identity and popular culture. To recognize the profound heterogeneity of indigenous Brazil is not to say that Native Brazilians do not share many of the same experiences, interests, and goals. Indeed, the very articulation of an “indigenous movement” requires a strategic suspension of, and extrapolation from diverse histories and present-day circumstances so that many voices, sometimes representing conflicting perspectives and priorities, can articulate their goals as a collectivity. Brazil’s so-called indigenous movement took root during the 1970s. With a focus on creating favorable (or at least, less prejudicial) national legislation, the first wave of that movement culminated in indigenous participation in crafting the 1988 post-dictatorship Constitution of Brazil, which represented, in theory, a profound change in the way the Brazilian state would engage with indigenous peoples. It is precisely the failure of dominant society to enforce those changes that has inspired the majority of subsequent work by indigenous intellectuals, scholars, writers, artists, and other activists. Acknowledging the profoundly antidemocratic political reality in which their voices are either muffled or ignored, indigenous peoples have not given up on politics. On the contrary, they have redoubled their political work by taking their struggles to diverse social organizations and expressing them through forms of cultural production that allow them to articulate their needs and interests to a broader audience, oftentimes with the support of social media. Demands for land rights and environmental protection measures often lie at the heart of these efforts, placing the well-being of indigenous peoples into direct conflict with multinational development interests (such as mining, agribusiness, and tourism) that operate with insufficient oversight, or even with the outright support of the Brazilian government. This dynamic has pushed indigenous peoples and organizations to seek national, regional, and global backing from Native and non-Native allies who mirror their critique of unchecked developmentalism and their concern for the shared ecological future of humanity.

Author(s):  
Seth W. Garfield

Over the course of the 20th century, Brazil’s Indigenous population underwent dramatic change. Frontier expansion, agricultural modernization, and natural resource extraction led to the invasion of Indigenous lands and interethnic conflict. Indigenous peoples that had once secured refuge through territorial dominion were besieged by settlers and epidemic disease. Communities with longer histories of integration confronted expulsion, social marginalization, and bigotry. Dominant ideologies tended to dichotomize Indigenous peoples as cultural isolates or degenerates. The Brazilian state played a key role in the social transformation of the countryside through the expansion of transportation infrastructure, the subsidization of large-scale agriculture, and the promotion of mineral extraction and hydroelectric power. Upholding developmentalism as an economic and geopolitical imperative, the Brazilian state sought to mediate ensuing social conflicts. The Indigenous Affairs bureau aspired to conciliate interethnic tension through adoption of a protectionist policy and “tutelage” of Native peoples, yet full-fledged Indigenous acculturation, deemed indispensable for nation-building and market integration, remained the endgame. Confronting the onslaught on their lifeways, Indigenous peoples mobilized in defense of their communities. With the support of domestic and foreign allies, Native peoples in Brazil made significant advances in demographic recovery, political organization, and legal recognition of their lands and cultures. Nevertheless, the Indigenous populations of Brazil continue to struggle against land invasion and poverty, violence, social prejudice, and challenges to their constitutional rights. The history of Indigenous policy and politics in 20th-century Brazil reflects not only a minority population’s fight for cultural survival and social inclusion but a battle over the soul of a nation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Aileen Moreton-Robinson ◽  
Maggie Walter ◽  
David Singh

The first two articles of this edition of the journal testify to the lengthening reach of the discipline of Critical Indigenous Studies that is, remarkably, still in its nascence. Emiel Martens examines the development of Maori filmmaking since the 1980s and takes the opportunity to explore this Indigenous cinema in the context of developments in the New Zealand film industry generally. Shifting from cultural production to renewable energy, Steven M. Hoffman and Thibault Martin remind us that in the effort to satiate the demands for energy, it is often Indigenous peoples who bear adverse consequences. Using a social capital framework, the authors examine the impact of the development of hydroelectric power upon a displaced Aboriginal community and conclude that displacement has resulted in an erosion of cohesive social bonds that once ensured a sustainable way of life


2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Red Shirt Semchison

A friend, whom I had not seen for some time, recently asked me what I had been doing overthe last several months. I replied, ‘I have just spent the past year in the most incredible headspace.’ This elicited an excited curiosity from my friend to hear more and I began to explain. At fifty-six years of age I had made the decision to return to academic life as a student and pursue a degree in Australian Indigenous Studies. This had been suggested and encouraged by my Aboriginal sister, Jackie Huggins, and so, with herguidance I applied and was accepted to attend the University of Queensland within the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (ATSIS) Unit of the Arts Faculty. It was a major step for me, for although I had been presenting lectures and workshops on aspects of traditional and contemporary Native American culture in the educational and public arenas for a decade, I had not been on the student side of the lectern for 40 years. In the first few weeks of semester one the impact of my decision was almost overwhelming. I had completed secondary school in Canada, being the first person in my family to achieve that and now here I was going to university, another first in my family.


Author(s):  
Erwin Syahruddin ◽  
Moh. Fadli ◽  
Rachmad Safa'at ◽  
Istislam Istislam

The existence of environmental management that is wise and wise itself has also been contained in the Constitution in Indonesia, especially Article 28H paragraph (1) and Article 33 paragraph (4). To ensure the role of human beings to the environment remains conservative, the state regulates and controls existing natural resources for the greatest prosperity of the people as stated in the Indonesian constitution. This aims to make natural resource management can be utilized not only for the current generation but also for future generations, as well as to maintain the ecosystem to remain sustainable. However, the existence of a green constitution along with recognition & respect of customs contained in the constitution (law in the books) has not yet fully built a strong interdependence (law in action) to create environmental justice. This is evidenced by the many conflicts that occur between indigenous peoples and corporations. The problem studied in this study is the impact of the failure of alternative environmental dispute resolution between the samin indigenous movement and PT Semen Indonesia (Persero) Tbk (hereinafter abbreviated as PT. Semen Indonesia). This study uses a type of socio-legal law research with a sociological approach located research in Rembang. The results showed that every problem that intersects with indigenous peoples should be resolved harmoniously and peacefully with deliberation and consensus. In addition, it is necessary to involve indigenous peoples in determining environmental policies. Then there needs to be harmonization and internalization between environmental policy and local community culture (indigenous legal community).


Author(s):  
Leslie M. Loew

A major application of potentiometric dyes has been the multisite optical recording of electrical activity in excitable systems. After being championed by L.B. Cohen and his colleagues for the past 20 years, the impact of this technology is rapidly being felt and is spreading to an increasing number of neuroscience laboratories. A second class of experiments involves using dyes to image membrane potential distributions in single cells by digital imaging microscopy - a major focus of this lab. These studies usually do not require the temporal resolution of multisite optical recording, being primarily focussed on slow cell biological processes, and therefore can achieve much higher spatial resolution. We have developed 2 methods for quantitative imaging of membrane potential. One method uses dual wavelength imaging of membrane-staining dyes and the other uses quantitative 3D imaging of a fluorescent lipophilic cation; the dyes used in each case were synthesized for this purpose in this laboratory.


GeroPsych ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elmar Gräßel ◽  
Raffaela Adabbo

The burden of caregivers has been intensively researched for the past 30 years and has resulted in a multitude of individual findings. This review illustrates the significance of the hypothetical construct of perceived burden for the further development and design of the homecare situation. Following explanations regarding the term informal caregiver, we derive the construct burden from its conceptual association with the transactional stress model of Lazarus and Folkman. Once the extent and characteristics of burden have been set forth, we then present the impact of perceived burden as the care situation. The question of predictors of burden will lead into the last section from which implications can be derived for homecare and relief of caregivers.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 339-356
Author(s):  
Tobias Wölfle ◽  
Oliver Schöller

Under the term “Hilfe zur Arbeit” (aid for work) the federal law of social welfare subsumes all kinds of labour disciplining instruments. First, the paper shows the historical connection of welfare and labour disciplining mechanisms in the context of different periods within capitalist development. In a second step, against the background of historical experiences, we will analyse the trends of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” during the past two decades. It will be shown that by the rise of unemployment, the impact of labour disciplining aspects of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” has increased both on the federal and on the municipal level. For this reason the leverage of the liberal paradigm would take place even in the core of social rights.


TAPPI Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (09) ◽  
pp. 519-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Crisp ◽  
Richard Riehle

Polyaminopolyamide-epichlorohydrin (PAE) resins are the predominant commercial products used to manufacture wet-strengthened paper products for grades requiring wet-strength permanence. Since their development in the late 1950s, the first generation (G1) resins have proven to be one of the most cost-effective technologies available to provide wet strength to paper. Throughout the past three decades, regulatory directives and sustainability initiatives from various organizations have driven the development of cleaner and safer PAE resins and paper products. Early efforts in this area focused on improving worker safety and reducing the impact of PAE resins on the environment. These efforts led to the development of resins containing significantly reduced levels of 1,3-dichloro-2-propanol (1,3-DCP) and 3-monochloropropane-1,2-diol (3-MCPD), potentially carcinogenic byproducts formed during the manufacturing process of PAE resins. As the levels of these byproducts decreased, the environmental, health, and safety (EH&S) profile of PAE resins and paper products improved. Recent initiatives from major retailers are focusing on product ingredient transparency and quality, thus encouraging the development of safer product formulations while maintaining performance. PAE resin research over the past 20 years has been directed toward regulatory requirements to improve consumer safety and minimize exposure to potentially carcinogenic materials found in various paper products. One of the best known regulatory requirements is the recommendations of the German Federal Institute for Risk Assessment (BfR), which defines the levels of 1,3-DCP and 3-MCPD that can be extracted by water from various food contact grades of paper. These criteria led to the development of third generation (G3) products that contain very low levels of 1,3-DCP (typically <10 parts per million in the as-received/delivered resin). This paper outlines the PAE resin chemical contributors to adsorbable organic halogens and 3-MCPD in paper and provides recommendations for the use of each PAE resin product generation (G1, G1.5, G2, G2.5, and G3).


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Yiftachel

This article examines the evolving relations between Israel and the indigenous Bedouin Arab population of the southern Beer-Sheba region. It begins with a discussion of theoretical aspects, highlighting a structural conflict embedded in the ‘ethnocratic’ nature of nation-building typical of ‘pure’ settler states, such as Israel. The place of the Bedouin Arab community is then analyzed, focusing on the impact of one of Israel's central policies—the Judaization of territory. The study traces the various legal, planning and economic strategies of Judaizing contested lands in the study area. These have included the nationalization of Arab land, the pervasive establishment of Jewish settlements, the forced urbanization of the Bedouin Arabs, and the denial of basic services to Bedouins who refuse to urbanize. However, the analysis also finds a growing awareness among indigenous Arabs of their being discriminated against on ethnic grounds, and the emergence of effective resistance. In recent years, this has resulted in a deadlock between state authorities and the indigenous peoples. The case of the Bedouin Arabs demonstrates that the ethnocentric settler state is weakening and fragmenting, partially at least, due to its own expansionist land, planning and development policies.


Author(s):  
Robert Klinck ◽  
Ben Bradshaw ◽  
Ruby Sandy ◽  
Silas Nabinacaboo ◽  
Mannie Mameanskum ◽  
...  

The Naskapi Nation of Kawawachikamach is an Aboriginal community located in northern Quebec near the Labrador Border. Given the region’s rich iron deposits, the Naskapi Nation has considerable experience with major mineral development, first in the 1950s to the 1980s, and again in the past decade as companies implement plans for further extraction. This has raised concerns regarding a range of environmental and socio-economic impacts that may be caused by renewed development. These concerns have led to an interest among the Naskapi to develop a means to track community well-being over time using indicators of their own design. Exemplifying community-engaged research, this paper describes the beginning development of such a tool in fall 2012—the creation of a baseline of community well-being against which mining-induced change can be identified. Its development owes much to the remarkable and sustained contribution of many key members of the Naskapi Nation. If on-going surveying is completed based on the chosen indicators, the Nation will be better positioned to recognize shifts in its well-being and to communicate these shifts to its partners. In addition, long-term monitoring will allow the Naskapi Nation to contribute to more universal understanding of the impacts of mining for Indigenous peoples.


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