Women in Guinea-Bissau

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Capital City ◽  
African Women ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Development Indicators ◽  
Guinea Bissau

Guinea-Bissau, a small West African country, is home to a multiplicity of ethnic and religious groups with complicated historical entanglements along the Upper Guinea Coast and across European and Afro-Atlantic orbits. Generalizations about women’s lives, given both the longue durée of its precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial history and the diversity of its social systems, are quite easily countered by contradictory—or at least more nuanced—renderings. Nonetheless, it is possible to discern some broad commonalities and continuities, especially in market-related roles and activities. Guinean women have been enterprising traders—sometimes gaining economic and political prominence—since precolonial times and throughout the prolonged Portuguese colonial presence in the region. In particular, Luso-African women, known as nharas, revolutionized and dominated trade in coastal settlements from the 17th to the 19th centuries, but their political and economic autonomy was ultimately curtailed by increasingly repressive colonial policies. Guinea-Bissau’s unique struggle for independence—spearheaded by the revolutionary leader Amílcar Cabral and achieved through an 11-year military struggle against the Portuguese—opened up opportunities for women’s liberation from both Portuguese colonialism and customary patriarchal strictures. Although Guinean women participated in the Luta da Libertação in unprecedented ways, they struggled to maintain an active role in nation-building after formal independence in 1974. The Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde’s (PAIGC) rhetorical commitment to gender equality remains an unfulfilled promise in the postcolonial period, as chronic political instability, deleterious economic policies, and largely unfavorable structural adjustment programs have tended to worsen women’s overall conditions. Women have continued to carve out creative roles in an expanding neoliberal marketplace, often becoming intrepid—although always precarious—players in the informal sector. Although women have gained several protective legislative rights since independence—such as the prohibition of forced and child marriage, and easier access to divorce—these have been implemented unevenly. Guinea-Bissau’s human development indicators are among the lowest in the world, especially for women: life expectancy for women is 59 years, childbirth is the leading cause of women’s mortality, and literacy among women is at 44 percent. The failure of the postcolonial state to fulfill Cabral’s egalitarian vision has not only marginalized women’s political and economic status within the country, it may have contributed to the overall weakening of key state institutions, ultimately enticing international narco-traffickers to its shores in the early 21st century and entrenching a drug economy amidst the ruins of the country’s capital city. The gendered roots of Guinea-Bissau’s present woes cannot be ignored.

scholarly journals Regional Sustainable Development – Czech Region Ranking UsingMulti-criteria Decision Analysis

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lenka Hudrlikova ◽  
Ludmila Petkovova
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Decision Analysis ◽  
Principal Component ◽  
Composite Indicator ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Development Indicators ◽  
Border Regions ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Linear Aggregation ◽  
Regional Sustainable Development

The aim of the paper is to provide a ranking of the Czech NUTS 3 regions based onsustainable development indicators. The original list of indicators was published by theCzech Statistical Office in 2008 and reviewedin 2010. In the analysis the same set ofindicators with the latest data was used. The indicators in each pillar are merged by meansof linear aggregation withweights derived from the principal component analysis.Because three pillars of sustainable development (environmental, economic and social)are assumed to be non-compensable, the multiple-criteria decision analysis is applied on apillar level in the final composite indicator. Both two main approaches – Borda andCondorcet were considered. Since the Borda approach leads to the compensability of theindicators, the Condorcet approach was in the spotlight. Advancedrules and adjustmentfor Condorcet approach were employed. Advantages and disadvantages of the methodsare provided. As a result more final rankings exist. The deep discussion about the resultsis provided. The special attention is paid to the capital city Prague, border regions, andindustrial regions. In addition, the correlation between final ranking and other indicatorsis tested.

scholarly journals Rural Economic Development Through Women Entrepreneurship

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-103
Author(s):  
Dr. M. Vairavan ◽  
Ms. K. Kavitha
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Rural Women ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Women Entrepreneurs ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
Self Help Groups ◽  
The Impact

Majority of the rural women of SHGs are Micro - Entrepreneurs very few are associated with Small Scale Enterprises. Those women are not only developing with sustainable economy but also able to develop other women economically sustainable by providing job opportunities. The rural women entrepreneurs with the sustainable economic development are able to contribute to the family’s, community’s and the nation’s development. Rural women frequently have primary responsibility for agricultural production, in addition to domestic responsibilities and childcare. In developing country like India where economic status of women is very pathetic especially in rural areas and opportunities of earning are very less in this scenario the Self Help Groups (SHGs) have paved the way for economic independence of rural women. This paper reviews concisely the literature in this field and addresses in particular opportunities and challenges faced by women entrepreneurs in rural areas. It examined the impact on women empowerment through micro entrepreneurship development and SHGs. The increasing presence of women in the business field as entrepreneurs has changed the demographic characteristics of business and economic growth of the country. Women-owned businesses enterprises are playing a more active role in society and the economy, inspiring academics to focus on this interesting phenomenon. This paper focuses on the problems, issues, challenges faced by women entrepreneurs, how to overcome them and to analyze policies of India government for and problems faced by them while pursuing their business.

scholarly journals Crossing boundaries: Social-scientific reading of the faith of a Canaanite woman (Mt 15:21–28)

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mookgo S Kgatle
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
South African ◽  
Social System ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
African Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
South African Women ◽  
Canaanite Woman

Social-scientific criticism refers to an interpretation of the biblical text that takes into cognizance the social system that produced that text. This article presents a social scientific reading of the faith of a Canaanite woman in Matthew 15:21–28. The article outlines models of social systems in Matthew 15:21–28 like landscape and spatiality, gender and sexuality, ethnicity, purity, and social status in order to achieve a social scientific reading. The purpose of this article is to firstly demonstrate that the models of social system in Matthew 15:21–28 served as boundaries to the faith of a Canaanite woman. Secondly, it is to demonstrate that the Canaanite woman crossed such boundaries in Matthew 15:21–28 for her daughter to receive healing. Lastly, the Canaanite woman serves as a model for South African women today who have to cross boundaries like landscape and spatiality, gender and sexuality, ethnicity, purity, and social status.

Urbanism in Mesoamerica

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verónica Pérez Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
Classic Maya ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Low Density ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Basin Of Mexico ◽  
Monte Alban ◽  
Settlement Studies ◽  
City Construction ◽  
City States

Urban societies have been defined as stratified, and sometimes literate, societies that build large, densely populated, and monumental centers that serve specialized political, economic, and ritual functions for their regions. Mesoamerica is one of six world regions where urban societies developed, independently, in antiquity. Mesoamerican cities sometimes fit traditional definitions, and other times defy them. There are examples of dispersed low-density urban settlements (Classic Maya, Veracruz) or cities where evidence of writing remains elusive (Teotihuacan). Functional urban definitions have led to debates regarding the urban standing of earlier, Middle Formative Olmec centers, as no contemporary settlements match the monumentality and regional prominence of La Venta or San Lorenzo. The regional settlement studies that have proliferated in the Basin of Mexico and Valley of Oaxaca since the 1960s have helped scholars demonstrate the demographic and political might of Late Formative, Classic, and Postclassic cities such as Monte Albán, Teotihuacan, and Tenochtitlan. Urbanism was demonstrably shown to be a regional phenomenon, one that developed from autochthonous processes as settlements became prominent population centers whose functions, monuments, and institutions served and ruled over their larger regions. While some of the best-known Mesoamerican cities were the capitals of large regional states (Teotihuacan, Tenochtitlán, Monte Albán, and Tzintzuntzan), researchers have documented an even greater number of city-states, which are defined as small states socially and territorially centered around their capital city. The Classic and Postclassic cities of the Maya lowlands, the Postclassic polities or altepemeh of the Basin of Mexico, and the kingdoms of Postclassic Oaxaca are examples of city-states. Among Mesoamerican cities, there was diversity in the form of government, ranging from cities where rulers’ names and royal tombs appear prominently in the archaeological record (Classic Maya cities, Postclassic Oaxacan city-states), to cities where, despite decades of research, no single royal palace or tomb has been found (Teotihuacan). The material record of cities of the latter type suggests that they were governed through more corporate forms of political organization. In the early 21st century research has focused on the role of collectives in city construction, configuration, and governance and the challenge of archaeologically identifying neighborhoods, districts, or other suprahousehold social groups (tlaxilacalli and calpolli, social units above the household in Postclassic Nahuatl polities). Although Classic period Maya centers were not originally considered urban, thanks to settlement studies and, later on, LiDAR technology, scholars have demonstrated that beyond their monumental acropolises there was extensive low-density settlement that was unmistakably urban. The Maya model of low-density lowland urbanism features dispersed populations and extensive urban footprints that integrate complex webs of agricultural areas, terraces, raised fields, hydraulic features, and house mounds. This model may have useful applications for modern-day planning efforts in low-lying cities that need to adapt to climate change. Indeed, Mesoamerican urbanism has much to contribute as the world’s population becomes increasingly urban. Humanity must learn from its past successes, and failures, with urban living.

Spain: The Long Road from an Interventionist Army to Democratic and Modern Armed Forces

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Missed Opportunities ◽  
Western Sahara ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.

Causal Analyses of Public Debt and Structural Adjustment

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Pastor Ansah
Keyword(s):  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Unintended Effects ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Structural Mechanism ◽  
Bretton Woods ◽  
Adjustment Program ◽  
Unintended Effect ◽  
Adjustment Policies ◽  
The Impact

The impact of structural adjustment program on the economic situation in many African countries can not be overemphasised. Over two decades of implementing neo-liberal economic policies by the Bretton Woods institution, it is of great importance to document the lessons learnt. This paper elicits the structural mechanism representing the intended effect of structural adjustment policies and the unintended effects observed from the implementation of the structural adjustment policies. The assumptions and hypotheses implicit in the main structural adjustment policies, as well as the observed unintended effect of the policies are clearly elicited with a causal loop diagram.

Economic Reforms and the People Sector

1998 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
Ela R Bhatt
Keyword(s):  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Years Of Experience ◽  
Adjustment Programme ◽  
Structural Adjustment Programme ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The People ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Considerable Discussion

In recent years⁄ there has been considerable discussion in India on Structural Adjustment Programme and its impact on the economy. However⁄ the moot question is whether restructuring efforts have benefited the ‘people sector’ that includes the workers who are informal⁄ unorganized, and selfemployed. Based on years of experience with SEWA, Ela Bhatt argues that most economic policies including the recent economic reforms have largely benefited the large corporate bodies and have completely ignored the poor and the women. According to her⁄ it is possible to benefit from the reforms if the focus of economic reforms is shifted to the micro level.

Women and Post-Independence African Politics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gretchen Bauer ◽  
Akosua Darkwah ◽  
Donna Patterson
Keyword(s):  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Early Years ◽  
African Women ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
Women's Associations ◽  
Structural Adjustment Programs ◽  
Institutional Infrastructure ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Political Office

Building upon their participation in anti-colonial struggles across Africa in the mid-20th century, African women have taken on many political roles in the post-independence period. While military rule and single-party rule precluded access to elected office in many countries in the early years after independence, female combatants fought alongside their male counterparts in ongoing struggles for national liberation in other parts of Africa, especially southern Africa, into the 1980s and 1990s. In many countries, national gender machineries established in the 1970s provided an institutional infrastructure for pursuing women’s rights even if they were often not fully implemented. State feminism, articulated through First Ladyism and state-led national women’s associations, sought to co-opt women’s struggles for political gain. In some instances, it did ameliorate women’s economic hardships and promote political participation. Women’s mobilization in the 1980s, in part a response to the severe impact of structural adjustment programs on devastated African economies, led to local-level organizing and eventually to a focus on women’s access to political office. Since the political transitions that swept the continent beginning in the early 1990s, women have accessed political office in all three branches of government in unprecedented numbers just as new forms of mobilization have emerged around issues like the rights of sexual minorities.

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