Brazil and the Paraguayan War: Conflicts and Interests

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Doratioto
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
Political Interference ◽  
Paraguayan War

In 1863 and 1864, historical and political contradictions in the River Plate region led to civil war in Uruguay, creating tensions with neighboring nations in the region. The Brazilian government intervened both politically and militarily in Uruguay to address the interests of ranchers in its province of Rio Grande do Sul, to distract the attention of the Brazilian citizens from domestic problems, and to preserve the political influence of the Empire of Brazil on Uruguay. This action by the Empire clashed with the new Paraguayan policy of political interference in the River Plate region and resulted in the declaration of war against Brazil by Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano López. This conflict broadened into the Paraguayan War.

scholarly journals A IMIGRAÇÃO COMO UMA POLÍTICA DE DEFESA NACIONAL: É POSSÍVEL? O CASO DA IMIGRAÇÃO ESPANHOLA PARA A OCUPAÇÃO DA FRONTEIRA SUL DO BRASIL / Immigration as a National Defence Policy: is it Possible? The Case of the Spanish Immigration to the Occupation of Brazilian Southern Borderland

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Roberto Rodolfo Georg Uebel ◽  
Rita Inês Paetzhold Pauli
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
European Immigrants ◽  
Colonization Process ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
National Defence

O processo colonial do Brasil trouxe muitas questões sobre a ocupação do seu espaço territorial por colonos e imigrantes como uma forma de apropriação das territorialidades fronteiriças do país visando à conservação e defesa do jovem Estado. Todavia, o povoamento específico do estado do Rio Grande do Sul por imigrantes europeus observou um caráter não só econômico, mas também estratégico, de defesa das fronteiras. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho aborda o caso da imigração espanhola para a fronteira sul do Brasil com o Uruguai e Argentina e também, por meio do Acordo de Migração entre Brasil e Espanha, as especificidades e pontualidades que essa distinta imigração trouxe à luz de uma possível e subjetiva política de defesa nacional, em prol do estabelecimento e consolidação das fronteiras brasileiras no território do Rio Grande do Sul. Este estudo é resultado de pesquisas documentais e in loco acerca da imigração espanhola e seus aportes econômicos, sociolaborais e territoriais no Rio Grande do Sul durante o século XX, que dentre suas potencialidades verificou a possibilidade político-militar de defesa nacional por meio de um acordo de migração, fato inédito até então na historiografia do país.ABSTRACTThe colonization process of Brazil brought many questions about the occupation of its territorial space by settlers and immigrants as a way of appropriation of the border territorialities of the country aiming at the conservation and protection of the young State. However, the specific settlement of the state of Rio Grande do Sul by European immigrants noticed not only an economic, but also a strategic, of borderlands defence features. In this sense, the present work deals with the case of Spanish immigration to the southern border of Brazil with Uruguay and Argentina and also, through the Migration Agreement between Brazil and Spain, the specificities of this distinct immigration that brought to light a possible and subjective policy of national defence, towards the establishment and consolidation of Brazilian borders on the territory of Rio Grande do Sul. This study is result of documentary and literature review researches about the Spanish immigration and its economic, socio-occupational and territorial contributions in Rio Grande do Sul during the twentieth century, which, among its potentialities verified the political and military possibility of national defence through an immigration agreement, an unprecedented fact until then in the country's historiography.Keywords: Immigration, Spaniards, Brazil, Border, Defence.

MOSQUETES, PENAS E MUITA NEGOCIAÇÃO: a aplicação da Lei de Terras na Prová­ncia de São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (27) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
CRISTIANO LUáS CHRISTILLINO
Keyword(s):  
Rio Grande ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Important Impact ◽  
The Law ◽  
Political Negotiation

Aprovada em 1850, a Lei de Terras começou a ser aplicada em 1855, com os registros paroquiais. Ainda em 1856, foram iniciados os processos de legitimação e revalidação de terras. Trata-se de uma legislação contraditória em relação á  geopolá­tica do Império, que exigia uma ocupação mais efetiva dos ”vazios demográficos”, espalhados ao longo das fronteiras. Consolidada na historiografia enquanto a marca do fracasso, a Lei teve um impacto importante nas décadas de 1850 a 1870, no plano polá­tico. Ela representou mais um elemento de negociação polá­tica estabelecida entre a Coroa e as elites locais. Embora não ”aplicada com rigor”, a Lei em estudo possuá­a dispositivos que poderiam ser utilizados pelos presidentes de prová­ncia contra os fazendeiros, ou por outros litigantes, o que contribuiu para que uma boa parte dos potentados locais se aproximassem das bases de negociações polá­ticas dos gabinetes ministeriais.Palavras-chave: Lei de Terras. Segundo Reinado. Poder local.MUSKETS, QUILLS AND MANY NEGOTIATIONS:  the application of the Law of the Land in the Province of São Pedro do Rio Grande do SulAbstract:  The Law of the Land (Lei da Terra) was approved in 1850, and its enforcement started in 1855 with the parish registers. In 1856, the processes of legitimization and revalidation of the lands also began. The legislation was contradictory regarding the geopolitics of the Empire since those policies imposed a more effective occupation of the "demographic gaps” along the borders. Despite historiography considering the Law a failure, it had an important impact in the political arena in the 1850s to 1870. The Law represented another element of negotiation between the Crown and the local elites. Although it was not "rigorously enforced”, the Law provided tools that could be used against farmers by provincial presidents or other litigants, what has contributed for a sizeable proportion of local rulers to get closer to the basis of political negotiation of ministerial cabinets.Keywords: Law of the Land. Second Empire. Local power.  ARCABUCES, PLUMAS Y MUCHA NEGOCIACIÓN:  la aplicación de la Ley de Tierras en la Provincia de São Pedro de Rio Grande do SulResumen:  Aprobada en 1850, la Ley de Tierras comenzó a aplicarse en 1855, con los registros parroquiales. En 1856 se iniciaron los procesos de legitimación y revalidación de tierras. Se trata de una legislación contradictoria en relación a la geopolá­tica del Imperio, que exigá­a una ocupación más efectiva de los ”vacá­os demográficos”, esparcidos a lo largo de las fronteras. Consolidada en la historiografá­a como la marca del fracaso, la Ley tuvo un impacto importante en las décadas de 1850 a 1870, en el plan polá­tico. Ella representó otro elemento de negociación polá­tica establecida entre la Corona y las elites locales. Aunque no ”aplicada con rigor”, la Ley en estudio poseá­a dispositivos que podrá­an ser utilizados por los presidentes de provincia contra los granjeros, o por otros litigantes, lo que contribuyó a que una buena parte de los potentados locales se acercasen  a las bases de negociaciones polá­ticas de las oficinas ministeriales.Palabras clave: Ley de Tierras. Segundo Reinado. Poder local.

Competitive Institution Building: The PT and Participatory Budgeting in Rio Grande do Sul

2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (03) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Goldfrank ◽  
Aaron Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Rio Grande ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Participatory Budgeting ◽  
Budget Institutions ◽  
Institutional Choices

Abstract In the late 1990s, the Workers' Party (PT) government of the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul introduced participatory budgeting, a process in which citizens establish annual investment priorities in public assemblies. This innovation was one of several attempts by incumbent parties to structure political conflict using budget institutions. The character of participatory budgeting is most evident in its policymaking processes and policy outcomes. The process circumvented legislative arenas where opponents held a majority, privileged participation by the PT's voter base, and reached into opposition strongholds. The outcomes favored the interests of potential supporters among poor and middle-class voters. The political project proved vulnerable to its own raised expectations: it failed to sustain the image of clean government; brought tax increases along with fiscal insecurity; and left unfulfilled the participants' expectations for targeted investments. This article highlights the role of participatory budgeting, indeed all budgeting, in partisan actors' institutional choices.

scholarly journals Political Influence on the Constitutional Court in the Republic of Macedonia: Reflections through the Dissenting Opinions in the Period of 2012-2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 069
Author(s):  
Sonja Stojadinovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
Political Interference ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Given

The demo Christian political party VMRO-DPMNE had a long period of ruling of the Republic of Macedonia, (2006-2016). During that period many cases of political pressure on the state institutions have occurred. The Constitutional Court wasn’t an excepted of that political pressure. Starting from the process of appointment of new judges, through the shocking decisions upon official citizens’ complaints and human rights appeals, to a complete reflection of the political interference and pressure through the dissenting opinions written and published by some constitutional judges. The former government has used all the tools, legal and non-legal, to put under control the Constitutional Court. If we put aside the political interference into the appointment of new and incompetent judges, one of the most used tools as a form of resistance was the dissenting opinion. This legal tool is present in the Book of Rules of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Macedonia, but also in the legal systems in the Eastern Europe, Germany, Spain, Greece and all other states whose legal systems are created by the German legal system. It gives space and chance for one or several constitutional judges to express disagreement upon a decision brought by the majority in the court. This tool was frequently used by several judges from the Constitutional Court in the Republic Macedonia in the given period through which we can see strong political influence on their work. Therefore, the research questions are as follows: What were the “models” of political influence that were used on the Constitutional Court during the period of 2012-2015? How were they used and what are the dissenting opinions reflecting? To answer the said questions, the model of qualitative research will be used together with several dissenting opinions as case studies. The aim of this approach is to explain the different aspects of political influence on the work of the Constitutional Court within the given period. The findings of this research can be used for further development of the interest for researching of the work and role of the Constitutional Court in the Republic of Macedonia.

scholarly journals DIVERSIDADE SEXUAL, GÊNERO E SEXUALIDADES: TEMAS IMPORTANTES À EDUCAÇÃO DEMOCRÁTICA

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Marcio Caetano ◽  
Carlos Henrique Lucas Lima ◽  
Amanda Motta Castro
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Projects ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
School Contexts ◽  
Formative Experiences ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The City

This essay has some observations on the concepts of gender, sexuality, sexual orientation and gender identity, themes that, but never, are necessary to reflect on the school contexts. The reflections that have been made here have been formulated within research projects that deal with the construction of gender identities in the school and part of the formative experiences with teachers of the states of Bahia and Rio Grande do Sul. The teachingdefends a school that, in interrogating the differences, educating the recognition of gender and sexuality dissent, I understand them as inseparable parts of democratic and city society. In addition, the text proposes to offer some epistemological notes to confront the conservative discourses that in the present day renew their fights against the city education, whose main objective is the expansion of human rights, the political participation and the notion of humanity.

scholarly journals ACCIÓN COLECTIVA, ESPACIO PÚBLICO Y ECONOMÍA SOLIDARIA EN EL SUR DE BRASIL

2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Ana Mercedes Sarria Icaza
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
The Social ◽  
Local Actors

Este texto analiza el proceso de emergencia y organización de la economía solidaria en Brasil, tomando como referencia la experiencia del estado de Rio Grande do Sul, en donde una serie de factores —relacionados con la historia, la dinámica social y política y los actores locales— se conjugan con procesos más amplios en los ámbitos nacional e internacional y hacen posible la ampliación significativa de lo que aquí se denomina economía popular solidaria. El trabajo identifica un conjunto de contradicciones y desafíos presentados para la economía solidaria hoy, como un espacio de acción colectiva integrada en procesos de construcción y ampliación de la democracia, en los cuales no es más posible disociar lo social, lo político y lo económico.   ABSTRACT This text analyzes the process of emergence and organization of the solidary economy in Brazil, taking as reference the experience of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, in which a series of factors —related to history, the social and political dynamic, and local actors— converge with broader processes in the national and international spheres and make possible the significant expansion of what here is called the popular solidary economy.The article identifies a set of contradictions and challenges presented today for the solidary economy, as a space of collective action integrated in processes of construction and expansion of democracy, in which it is no longer possible to disassociate the social, the political and the economic.

scholarly journals Política e Sociabilidade no século XIX: as correspondências recebidas pelo Visconde de Pelotas

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Guilherme De Mattos Gründling
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Imperial Politics ◽  
The Military

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender as formas de inserção política e as estratégias articuladas pelo militar rio-grandense José Antônio Corrêa da Câmara (Visconde de Pelotas), no processo de ascensão à esfera política imperial. Para tanto, procura-se analisar as correspondências recebidas por ele entre 1870 e 1879.Palavras-chave: Política; Sociabilidade; Correspondências; Século XIX. AbstractThe present research aims to understand the political insertion ways and the strategies articulated by the military man, José Antônio Corrêa da Câmara (Visconde de Pelotas), from the province of Rio Grande do Sul, in his ascension on imperial politics. Therefore, one seeks to analyze the letters he received, from 1870 to 1879.Keywords: Politics, Sociability, Letters, Nineteenth Century.

scholarly journals Educação brasileira para formar bons brasileiros: concepções educacionais na plataforma política da Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres / Brazilian education to form good brazilians: educational conceptions in the political plataform of the Society of the Friends of Alberto Torres

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 170
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Luis dos Santos
Keyword(s):  
Rural Education ◽  
Public Education ◽  
Educational Change ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Society Of Friends ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
The City

Fundada no Rio de Janeiro no ano de 1932, a Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres possuía um cunho nacionalista, empreendendo uma releitura de ideias do político e pensador social fluminense Alberto de Seixas Martins Torres (1865 – 1917). No Rio Grande do Sul, a fundação do núcleo regional se deu em 1936. Uma das principais bandeiras desta sociedade era uma mudança educacional no país, com um incentivo maior para o ensino rural. Além disso, tinha forte preocupação com a questão da imigração no país, com graves ressalvas para a entrada de determinados grupos, como japoneses e sírio-libaneses, além de apoiar o processo de nacionalização de grupos considerados de difícil assimilação, como os alemães. Nosso objetivo, neste trabalho, é analisar a inserção do núcleo regional da Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres no que compete ao tocante educacional do Rio Grande do Sul, destacando medidas adotadas em áreas de imigração, como no município de São Leopoldo, onde um dos líderes estaduais desta entidade, o advogado Carlos de Souza Moraes, atuava como secretário da Prefeitura local e responsável pela Instrução Pública na cidade. Aprofundar os estudos sobre a inserção da Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres e a implementação de suas ideias no contexto sul-rio-grandense, sobretudo no período do Estado Novo (1937 – 1945), pode contribuir significativamente para uma compreensão mais ampla da complexidade e dinamicidade deste momento histórico.* * *Founded in Rio de Janeiro in 1932, the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres possessed a nationalist character, undertaking a rereading of ideas of Rio de Janeiro politician and social thinker Alberto de Seixas Martins Torres (1865 - 1917). In Rio Grande do Sul, the founding of the regional nucleus occurred in 1936. One of the main flags of this society was an educational change in the country, with a greater incentive for rural education. In addition, he was deeply concerned about the issue of immigration in the country, with serious caveats for the entry of certain groups, such as Japanese and Syrian-Lebanese, and support the process of nationalization of groups considered difficult to assimilate, such as the Germans. Our objective, in this work, is to analyze the insertion of the regional nucleus of the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres in what concerns the educational point of Rio Grande do Sul, highlighting measures adopted in areas of immigration, such as in the municipality of São Leopoldo, where one of the state leaders of this entity, the lawyer Carlos de Souza Moraes, acted as secretary of the local government and responsible for public education in the city. To deepen the studies on the integration of the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres and the implementation of his ideas in the context of South-Rio Grande do Sul, especially during the Estado Novo period (1937-1945), can contribute significantly to a broader understanding of the complexity and dynamicity of this historical moment.

Journalistic Autonomy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Örnebring ◽  
Michael Karlsson
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
Information Provision ◽  
The State ◽  
Organizational Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Undue Influence ◽  
Institutional Level ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Interference ◽  
The Individual

The notion of journalistic autonomy is the idea that journalism as a societal institution, as well as individual journalists in their workplace (the newsroom), should be free from undue influence from other societal institutions and actors. The term “independence” is frequently used as synonymous with autonomy. Journalistic autonomy is commonly seen as normatively desirable as it is linked to two of journalism’s core democratic functions: information provision (journalists who are not autonomous may produce biased information) and the watchdog function (non-autonomous journalists may act in the interests of other actors when fulfilling the watchdog function rather than in the public interest). Autonomy exists on three distinct analytical levels: first, the institutional level (referring to journalism as a whole, being independent from other societal institutions like the state and the market); second, the individual level (referring to individual journalists having discretionary decision-making power in their own work); and third, the organizational level (referring to the workplace level, where individual preferences frequently are mediated by institutional constrains). In general, journalism research has focused mostly on analyzing autonomy on the institutional and individual levels and less on the organizational level. Research on journalistic autonomy on the institutional level focuses on the autonomy of journalism from the state (or, more broadly, the political sphere in general) and the market. The key instrument for both state and market actors seeking to influence journalism (thereby decreasing journalistic autonomy) is information subsidies, that is, information resources of different types that conform to journalistic genre demands and professional norms but which also advance the agenda of the actors who produce them. Research on journalistic autonomy on the individual level focuses on so-called perceived influences on journalistic work, that is, the factors that journalists themselves see as limiting their autonomy. There are broad cross-national patterns to such perceptions. The political system is the most important determinant of perceived political influence, as journalists in more authoritarian countries perceive more political interference than journalists in democratic countries. Another broad pattern is that nation-level and individual-level influences are perceived as more important than organizational-level influences. Almost regardless of country, most journalists actually see themselves as having a high degree of workplace autonomy. This is in contrast to the research on organizational-level autonomy (as well as much of the research on autonomy on the institutional level), which demonstrates that journalists’ workplace autonomy is constrained in many important ways. Tacit rules, implicit policies, and norms of professionalism all combine to make journalists obedient employees who generally voluntarily accept many constraints on their autonomy without perceiving them as such. Only overt and explicit attempts from political and commercial actors to control reporting are perceived as interference, whereas informal norms of story selection that favor resource-rich actors are seen as “natural” or “normal.” Thus in many ways, journalistic autonomy is a rhetorical construct as much as a normative ideal.

scholarly journals O Teatro Popular como Possibilidade de Contra Hegemonia: Estudo sobre as Práticas do Grupo Teatro União e Olho Vivo de São Paulo/SP

ILUMINURAS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (48) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Parodi Eberhardt
Keyword(s):  
Social Transformation ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
Political Theater ◽  
The Political ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Popular Theater ◽  
Pedagogical Training

Este artigo traz reflexões a respeito da formação pedagógica desenvolvida pelo grupo teatro popular União e Olho Vivo (TUOV) na busca por um teatro popular. A formação deste coletivo teatral tem uma estreita relação com a consolidação do campo artístico nacional, sua legitimação e regulação. Surgido em meados dos anos 60/70, a linguagem do TUOV reflete as discussões políticas e sociais deste contexto, abarcando as discussões do teatro político e engajado deste período, buscando colocar em prática os ideais socialistas de transformação social a partir do teatro. Utilizando referenciais da área da antropologia e do teatro, este trabalho etnográfico é um dos desdobramentos da dissertação de mestrado em Antropologia Social “União, Olho Vivo e Pé Ligeiro: Estudo etnográfico das memórias e duração das práticas do Teatro Popular União e Olho Vivo na cidade de São Paulo/ SP”, defendida em 2018 na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul/UFRGS. Palavras Chaves: Estudos Etnográficos. Teatro Popular. Teatro Brasileiro. Abstract:This article reflects on the pedagogical training developed by the group Teatro Popular União e Olho Vivo (TUOV) in the search for a popular theater. The formation of this theatrical collective has a close relation with the consolidation of the national artistic field, its legitimation and regulation. The language of TUOV, which emerged in the 60s and 70s, reflects the political and social discussions of this context, encompassing discussions of the political theater and engaged in this period, seeking to put into practice the socialist ideals of social transformation from the theater. Using theater and anthropological references, this ethnographic work is one of the results of the Master's Dissertation in Social Anthropology "União, Olho Vivo e Pé Ligeiro: Estudo Etnográfico das Memórias e Duração das Práticas do Teatro Popular União e Olho Vivo na cidade de São Paulo / SP", defended in 2018 at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul / UFRGS. Keywords: Ethnographic Studies. Popular Theater. Brazilian Theater.

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