#YoSoy132, Social Media, and Political Organization

Author(s):  
Javier Contreras Alcántara

During the 2012 presidential election in Mexico, a movement arose that broke with the existing framework of political mobilizations. What began as a protest to call into question the past of one of the candidates became, with the assertion of their status as university students, a student and social movement that urged a discussion on the nature of Mexico’s democracy. The movement, called #YoSoy132 (#IAm132), became active on YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter, uniting young citizens from a generation that was beginning to distance itself from politics. Finally, following a series of debates on the path the country should take and the presidential election, the movement did not strengthen, but instead left behind a generation of young politicized citizens who now adopted new forms of socialization and organization for political action, which applied to further mobilizations. Since then, Mexico witnessed the emergence of new political players which have lifted the unease felt by the current political class.

Author(s):  
Yakup Durmaz ◽  
Elif Uysal Alagoz

The main purpose of thisresearch is to show how social media influence the consumption behaviors of university students in Turkey. This research is designed as a "screening model".  Screening models are research approaches that aim to describe the past or present as it exists. It is tried to define an event, individual or object under investigation as it is and, as if it is within its own conditions. No attempt is made to change or influence them in anyway. Social media has provided new opportunities for consumers to socialize online. Consumers have thus made social media a part of their daily lives. The increasing number of social media users worldwide is one of the most important indicators of this. The general status of the Internet allows individuals to use social media from e-mail to Twitter and Facebook, and interact without the need for physical meetings. The purpose of this research is to assess the effect of social media on consumer behaviors of university students, who are themselves consumers and social media users. In conclusion, the aim is to investigate the effect of using social networks on the pre-purchase consumer behavior of university students in social media.  


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel West

There is a growing body of research on the interplay between increasingly digitally informed political campaigning and citizen engagement in the political sphere both on and offline. While much of the existing scholarship concerns how digital technology impacts engagement, participation and the spread of information, there is limited research into the ways in which specific digital content modes and social media platforms intersect in ways that can lead to increased involvement of individuals in high-effort political activities. This research paper focuses on the personal action framing of campaign videos created in support of the Labour Party’s general election campaign in 2017. Videos created by both the central campaign and the grassroots political organization Momentum were designed to be shared widely over social media platforms to achieve visibility over a broad network of supporters and undecided voters over the course of the campaign. By analyzing the content of these videos, I will show how specific instances of digital media, such as videos, can invite instances of high-effort political participation through personalized political action framing. Drawing on connective action theory, and in particular, the discussion of personalized politics (Bennett, 2012; Bennett & Segerberg, 2013), this research uses thematic content analysis to identify which high-effort political activities are alluded to most often in the video content. By comparing the videos produced by Labour with those of Momentum, this contribution addresses a gap in the existing literature as it relates to how campaigns can benefit from loosely connected ties to organizations that use digital media to expend their networks of influence to develop their strategic capacity. The methods explored in this research can inform future study on the use of campaign videos in political movement building and election campaigns.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 975-991
Author(s):  
Caitlin McCaffrie

AbstractAbout half a million Cambodians have attended hearings or outreach activities about the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) since public hearings began in 2009. Countless more have watched the trials unfold on television, and increasingly on social media. To date, the majority of conversations around the legacy of the ECCC have come from international scholars focusing on the legal impact the trials may have. This article instead presents the often-missing views of Cambodian youth about the Tribunal. It also, more broadly, explores the ECCC’s impact on education and young people’s understanding of history. Based on research carried out with university students, this article argues that the contribution of the ECCC to education has often been overlooked and is in fact one of its most significant legacies. In Cambodia, government and non-government organizations, as well as academic institutions, have the unique opportunity to incorporate testimony, footage, and documents from the ECCC into their programmes, greatly adding to the existing repertoire of Khmer-language resources dealing with the past. The result is a more well-rounded programme of transitional justice and reconciliation than the court alone could have provided, and certainly a higher level of external resilience than would have occurred had the court been located outside of Cambodia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Masood Ahmed, Dr. Noreen Aleem, Human Nisar Khan

This study strives to explain the great potential of revolution in Pakistani Society. We have taken into account the previous historical and modern successful revolution of the world to analyze the root cause of its success that can be associated with the potential of Pakistani people at large. Moreover, literature signifies, “How does a revolution take place?” that enables us to find our objectives. The Qualitative Research Methodology and “Hermeneutic Approach” are adapted to draw out the assumption and to understand the Psyche of Pakistani Society. According to the finding, a revolution in Pakistan might be possible and activated in future, as the present political scenario has ignited the feeling of being subjects of political class of king families. Regardless of many differences in political and religious sentiments, the Pakistani people are cathartic in nature and react emotionally and aggressively on any incidence of human injustice and tyranny. As we have seen in the past at different sentimental issues, like agitation against ten year Ayub Era, agitation against Bhutto regime by National Alliance and in former East Pakistan as Bangladesh Revolution and above all, the successful active role of social media on all such injustices and tyrannical incidences in society. All these phenomena lead to a revolution in future to come in Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Monika Sri Yuliarti ◽  
Muhnizar Siagian ◽  
Andri Kusuma Wardaningtyas

In the dynamics of a state, any change can happen through a social movement as an initial stage.  Studies about it have been conducted since the 1940s. Nowadays, as the shift of the era involves communication technology, the model of the social movement has changed as well. Collectivity dominated the social movement in the past, but connectivity is more prominent nowadays as the network society era emerges. The purpose of this research is to explore the social movement in the network society era through an Instagram account, @ketimbang.ngemis.yogyakarta along with the message reception among the Instagram users. Using Stuart Hall’s theory of message reception, this study employed snowball as the technique sampling. After analyzing five posts on @ketimbang.ngemis.yogyakarta Instagram account and having an interview with eight informants, there were two conclusions. It is found that there is a shift in the model of social movement. In the past, social movements were dominated by demonstrations, in which a group of people gathered in a particular place, and relied on oratory skills. Meanwhile, at present, many social movements have made use of social media, one of which is Instagram. The photos in Instagram are used to show marginalized groups which can attract sympathy, empathy, and attention of social media users as an initial stage to the social movement. Moreover, the social media users tend to be a negotiated code type in the reception of social movement message.


Author(s):  
Lee Ann Banaszak ◽  
Holly J. McCammon

The epilogue discusses the volume’s central themes in light of events around the 2016 presidential election. This chapter considers growth in gender equality over the last one hundred years as well as continuing aspects of gender inequality. It examines the degree to which women’s influence has changed over time, particularly their increased presence in politics as well as ongoing efforts to marginalize their roles. The final chapter examines this influence in electoral politics as well as social movement activism, also exploring the ways in which politics continues to be a deeply gendered sphere of action. This epilogue returns to the rich diversity of women’s engagement in political action, reminding readers of the significant insights that can emerge from an intersectional approach to understanding women’s political action. The book concludes with thoughts, which must be speculative at best, of what may lie ahead for the next hundred years of women’s enfranchisement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel West

There is a growing body of research on the interplay between increasingly digitally informed political campaigning and citizen engagement in the political sphere both on and offline. While much of the existing scholarship concerns how digital technology impacts engagement, participation and the spread of information, there is limited research into the ways in which specific digital content modes and social media platforms intersect in ways that can lead to increased involvement of individuals in high-effort political activities. This research paper focuses on the personal action framing of campaign videos created in support of the Labour Party’s general election campaign in 2017. Videos created by both the central campaign and the grassroots political organization Momentum were designed to be shared widely over social media platforms to achieve visibility over a broad network of supporters and undecided voters over the course of the campaign. By analyzing the content of these videos, I will show how specific instances of digital media, such as videos, can invite instances of high-effort political participation through personalized political action framing. Drawing on connective action theory, and in particular, the discussion of personalized politics (Bennett, 2012; Bennett & Segerberg, 2013), this research uses thematic content analysis to identify which high-effort political activities are alluded to most often in the video content. By comparing the videos produced by Labour with those of Momentum, this contribution addresses a gap in the existing literature as it relates to how campaigns can benefit from loosely connected ties to organizations that use digital media to expend their networks of influence to develop their strategic capacity. The methods explored in this research can inform future study on the use of campaign videos in political movement building and election campaigns.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florence Namasinga Selnes ◽  
Kristin Skare Orgeret

The article discusses political activism in Uganda and the role of social media. It focuses on two specific cases, the 2011 ‘Walk-to-Work’ and the 2017 ‘Pads4Girls’ campaigns in order to contribute to better understanding of the ever-evolving dynamic between political activism and the media in such campaigns. A disputed presidential election in 2011 in Uganda prompted opposition politicians to call nationwide protests. The architects of the protests hoped this would eventually lead to the downfall of Museveni’s newly elected government. The ‘Pads4Girls’ campaign on the other hand, was spearheaded by a female academic activist and provoked unprecedented response from politicians across the political divide, activists and unaffiliated individuals who added weight to the campaign. The article’s discussions feed into a broader conversation on the interaction of media and politics in semi-democratic contexts such as Uganda, where attempts to curtail media freedom and freedom of expression are frequent.


2018 ◽  
Vol 115 (19) ◽  
pp. E4330-E4339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz

This study evaluates evidence pertaining to popular narratives explaining the American public’s support for Donald J. Trump in the 2016 presidential election. First, using unique representative probability samples of the American public, tracking the same individuals from 2012 to 2016, I examine the “left behind” thesis (that is, the theory that those who lost jobs or experienced stagnant wages due to the loss of manufacturing jobs punished the incumbent party for their economic misfortunes). Second, I consider the possibility that status threat felt by the dwindling proportion of traditionally high-status Americans (i.e., whites, Christians, and men) as well as by those who perceive America’s global dominance as threatened combined to increase support for the candidate who emphasized reestablishing status hierarchies of the past. Results do not support an interpretation of the election based on pocketbook economic concerns. Instead, the shorter relative distance of people’s own views from the Republican candidate on trade and China corresponded to greater mass support for Trump in 2016 relative to Mitt Romney in 2012. Candidate preferences in 2016 reflected increasing anxiety among high-status groups rather than complaints about past treatment among low-status groups. Both growing domestic racial diversity and globalization contributed to a sense that white Americans are under siege by these engines of change.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 723-744
Author(s):  
Bashir Saade

AbstractSoon after its founding in the early 1980s, the Lebanese political organization Hizbullah developed a specific practice of remembering its dead. In this article, I argue that through this practice Hizbullah constructed an elaborate conception of time and history that gave ideological coherence to the movement's main political project,al-muqāwama al-islāmiyya(Islamic Resistance). Examining early writings in the Hizbullah weeklyal-ʿAhdpublished during the organization's formative period, I show how such writings were instrumental in producing ideological templates that have continued to be replicated until today. Through a set of ritualistic practices, Hizbullah-affiliated intellectuals have archived everything related to martyrs and other kinds of human legacies, a process that has fed into the notion of an ever-present, and at times anticipated, era (ʿahd) of resistance. Moreover, the project of Islamic Resistance has gained salience each time the past is relived in the present, producing political action. Hizbullah's efforts at history writing have involved a transmission of ethics through martyrs' act of witnessing and their testimony to a way of life. Analyzing this phenomenon sheds light on the way political Islamic groups such as Hizbullah articulate national imaginaries through specific kinds of ideological production.


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