Hokan Languages

Author(s):  
Carmen Jany

Hokan is a linguistic stock or phylum based on a series of hypotheses about deeper genetic relationships among languages that extend geographically from Northern California to Nicaragua. Following the general effort to genetically link the vast number of Native American languages and to reduce them to a few superstocks, Dixon and Kroeber first proposed the Hokan stock in 1913, to include several California indigenous languages: Karuk, Chimariko, Shastan, Palaihnihan (Atsugewi and Achumawi), Pomoan, Yana, and later Esselen and Yuman. The name Hokan stems from the Atsugewi word for “two”: hoqi. While the first proposals by Dixon and Kroeber rested on very limited cognate sets comprising only five words, later assessments by Sapir included hundreds of putative cognate sets and analyses of Hokan morphosyntax. By 1925, Sapir further included Washo, Salinan, Seri, Chumashan, Tequistlatecan, and Subtiaba-Tlapanec as the Southern Hokan branch into the stock. Throughout the 20th century, scholars sought additional evidence for the stock as more and refined data on the languages became available. A number of languages were added, and earlier proposals were abandoned. A new surge in work on individual California indigenous languages in the 1950s and 1960s prompted a string of studies conducting binary comparisons. This renewed interest inspired a series of Hokan conferences held until the 1990s. A more recent comprehensive assessment of the entire stock was undertaken by Kaufman in 1988. Applying rigorous analysis and only implicating those languages for which he encountered substantial evidence, Kaufman proposes sixteen classificatory units for Hokan clustered geographically. Kaufman’s Hokan stock also includes Coahuilteco and Comecrudan in Mexico and Jicaque in Nicaragua. Although Hokan was widely studied in the 20th century, and many scholars presented what they thought to be supporting evidence, it is far from being an established genetic unit. In fact, many scholars today treat it with a lot of skepticism. One major challenge, as with any phylum-level affiliation, is its time depth. Proto-Hokan is thought to be at least as antique as Proto-Indo-European. Moreover, many of the languages were spoken in geographically contiguous areas, with speakers being multilingual and in close contact for an extended period of time, as is the case in Northern California. This suggests considerable language contact effects and complicates the distinction between true cognates and ancient borrowings. Many of the languages involved further show similarities in grammatical structure as a result of language contact. Hokan languages stretch across California, Nevada, South Texas, various parts of Mexico, Honduras, and Nicaragua and display notable structural differences. Phonologically, the languages show great variation including small and large phoneme inventories and different phonological processes. Typologically, they are equally diverse, but many are considered polysynthetic to varying degrees. Morphosyntactic and grammatical similarities are evident especially among languages spoken in Northern California. These resemblances include sets of lexical affixes with similar meanings and affinities in core argument patterns.

Linguistics ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Jany

Hokan languages are a number of languages grouped together not as a language family, but as a linguistic stock, a series of hypotheses about distant genetic relationships among language families and isolates. The Hokan stock was first proposed in 1913 by Dixon and Kroeber, remotely relating five language families and isolates in Northern California: Chimariko, Shastan, Pomoan, and, with some caveats, Yana and Karuk. Later that same year, they added Esselen and Yuman. Earlier, in 1905, Dixon had linked Shasta to Achumawi (Palaihnihan). The first Hokan hypotheses were mainly based on five presumed cognate sets for eye, tongue, water, stone, and sleep. The stock was named after the Atsugewi word hoqi, meaning “two.” Later, in addition to cognate sets, Dixon and Kroeber observed some general structural characteristics of the Hokan languages, such as the absence of plural in most nouns, verb suffixes indicating plurality, elaborate sets of instrumental verb prefixes, and local suffixes. Over the next decades, Dixon, Kroeber, Sapir, and others expanded the stock. In 1925, Sapir included a total of fourteen language families and isolates in the stock, subdivided into three branches: (a) Karuk, Chimariko, Shastan, Palaihnihan, Yana, and Pomoan; (b) Esselen and Yuman-Cochimí; and (c) Washo, Salinan, Seri, Chumash, Tequistlatecan (Chontal), and Subtiaba-Tlapanec. These branches extended geographically from northern California to Nicaragua. Kaufman later evaluated the proposed hypotheses in Kaufman 1989 (cited under Later Proposals) and came out in favor of including the following sixteen language families and isolates in the Hokan stock, with some caveats: Pomoan, Chimariko, Yana, Karuk, Shastan, Palaihnihan (Achumawi and Atsugewi), Washo, Esselen, Salinan, Yuman, Cochimí, Seri, Coahuilteco, Comecrudan, Tequistlatecan (Chontal), and Jicaque. However, Kaufman did not present any evidence in his article. In 1997, Campbell assessed in detail the validity of the Hokan hypotheses and pointed out several problems associated with the proposals (see Campbell 1997, cited under General Overviews). The possibility of a Hokan stock has generated wide interest ever since it was first proposed in 1913. It has also been the grounds for many discussions and criticisms due to the difficulties in finding supporting evidence for the stock. Some of the critics point out that the Hokan proposals were established when little data was available on the languages and that the hypotheses rely on data that lacks phonetic and phonological accuracy, a key for comparative historical linguistics. Moreover, some critics stress that the data on which the hypotheses are based are unreliable, as they were collected from semi-fluent speakers who had not used their language in decades, and who were speakers of multiple local languages, thus possibly confusing their vocabularies. Furthermore, Mithun points out that the languages hypothesized to belong to the Hokan stock have been in close contact for centuries, making it difficult to distinguish cognates from ancient loans. One of the main problems with the Hokan stock, however, lies in its antiquity. It is estimated to be as old as Proto-Indo-European, which complicates establishing genetic relationships among the languages. Overall, the main problem with Hokan lies in that it is based on very little evidence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 284 ◽  
pp. 08016
Author(s):  
Irina Smirnova ◽  
Victoria Vetrinskaya ◽  
Svetlana Clemente-Smirnova

The article deals with the local-specific features of the functioning of grammatical forms in the Spanish language of the Mexican state of Oaxaca. Examples of the influence of Native American languages on the grammatical structure of the Spanish language are analyzed and given. The co-existence of the dominant Spanish and Indian languages had an impact on the Mexican variant of Spanish. During the three hundred years of Spanish colonization, the cultural diversity of the State of Oaxaca was mixed and expanded. Thus, a mixture of Spanish, autochthonous and African groups emerged, which defined the language of the residents of the region in particular. The implementation of language units in the state is characterized by a peculiarity that is expressed at the grammatical level. The purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of Indian languages on the grammatical structure of Spanish in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. The research was based on articles, fiction written by Oaxaca authors. Textbooks on grammar of autochthonous languages of the Oto-Manguean group were studied. Interviews with governors, poets, state linguists and Oaxacan speakers in markets, streets, cafes were analyzed. As a result of the study, the Oaxaca resident’s speech revealed grammatical features influenced by Indian languages that distinguish local speech from that of the capital. As a result of the findings, there are prospects for further research into the influence of indigenous languages on Spanish in the State of Oaxaca.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Bohnemeyer ◽  
Katharine T. Donelson ◽  
Randi E. Moore ◽  
Elena Benedicto ◽  
Alyson Eggleston ◽  
...  

We examine the extent to which practices of language use may be diffused through language contact and areally shared, using data on spatial reference frame use by speakers of eight indigenous languages from in and around the Mesoamerican linguistic area and three varieties of Spanish. Regression models show that the frequency of L2-Spanish use by speakers of the indigenous languages predicts the use of relative reference frames in the L1 even when literacy and education levels are accounted for. A significant difference in frame use between the Mesoamerican and non-Mesoamerican indigenous languages further supports the contact diffusion analysis.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cesar Fortes-Lima ◽  
Paul Verdu

Abstract During the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade (TAST), around twelve million Africans were enslaved and forcibly moved from Africa to the Americas and Europe, durably influencing the genetic and cultural landscape of a large part of humanity since the 15th century. Following historians, archaeologists, and anthropologists, population geneticists have, since the 1950’s mainly, extensively investigated the genetic diversity of populations on both sides of the Atlantic. These studies shed new lights into the largely unknown genetic origins of numerous enslaved-African descendant communities in the Americas, by inferring their genetic relationships with extant African, European, and Native American populations. Furthermore, exploring genome-wide data with novel statistical and bioinformatics methods, population geneticists have been increasingly able to infer the last 500 years of admixture histories of these populations. These inferences have highlighted the diversity of histories experienced by enslaved-African descendants, and the complex influences of socio-economic, political, and historical contexts on human genetic diversity patterns during and after the slave trade. Finally, the recent advances of paleogenomics unveiled crucial aspects of the life and health of the first generation of enslaved Africans in the Americas. Altogether, human population genetics approaches in the genomic and paleogenomic era need to be coupled with history, archaeology, anthropology, and demography in interdisciplinary research, to reconstruct the multifaceted and largely unknown history of the TAST and its influence on human biological and cultural diversities today. Here, we review anthropological genomics studies published over the past 15 years and focusing on the history of enslaved-African descendant populations in the Americas.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip M. Winkelman

Abstract The ways new games typically develop might be viewed as a continuum ranging from very gradual “evolution” based on mutations introduced to a single progenitor during play or recall, to sudden “intelligent design” based on a purposeful and original combination — or even invention — of ludemes independent of any particular lines of transmission. This paper argues that two proprietary 20th-century games, C.A. Neves’s Fang den Hut! and Lizzie Magie’s The Landlord’s Game, were developed in a different way, a bit outside the typical continuum. It analyzes the games’ general typologies, and specific ludemes, concluding that both games are modern adaptations of traditional Native American games encountered, not through play or even contact with players, but through the seminal ethnographic publications of Stewart Culin. Specifically, Fang den Hut! derives from Boolik via Games of the North American Indians, and The Landlord’s Game derives from Zohn Ahl via Chess and Playing-Cards.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-206
Author(s):  
Gerson Klumpp

AbstractThis article provides an account of the functional range of Kamas valency operators. Kamas is an extinct South Siberian language of the Samoyed branch of Uralic, which was in close contact with Turkic for many centuries. In the early 20th century, Kamas had two valency operators: (i) -Tə derived transitive from intransitive verbs as well as causative from transitive verbs; and (ii) -Ō derived intransitive from transitive verbs; in addition the intransitivizer, probably departing from pairs like edə- ‘hang up (tr.)’ > ed-ȫ- ‘hang (itr.)’, had acquired the function of specifying imperfective state-of-affairs, e.g. iʔbə- ‘lie down, lie’ > iʔb-ȫ- ‘lie’. The two markers may occur in combination in the order “increase-decrease” (-T-Ō), but not vice versa. While on the one hand the valency operators may be understood as verb derivation morphemes proper, i.e. verbs derived with the suffixes -Tə- and -Ō- are considered new lexical entries, their functional range also covers combinations with participles otherwise unspecified for voice. The valency decreaser -Ō occurs with participles of transitive verbs in order to specify P-orientation. The valency increaser -Tə has a variety of causative readings, among them causative-reflexive, causative-permissive, and causative-instrumental, and it also qualifies as a marker of control and/or characterizing activity. The discussion in this article is focused mainly on classificational issues.


2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
EVE ZYZIK ◽  
SUSAN GASS

The five papers in this issue cover a range of perspectives on the acquisition and use of the Spanish copulasserandestarin a variety of contexts, including language contact, bilingual language acquisition, and classroom second language learning. The fact that these papers cite work in this area as far back as the early part of the 20th century with each subsequent decade being represented suggests the continual importance and complexity of the distinction between the two copular forms and shows how this complexity is played out in acquisition and bilingual use. Over the past century different perspectives have been taken on this multifaceted issue with linguistic explanations and the role of the native language being primary. In this epilogue, we focus on some of these same issues, but expand our commentary to include the new dimensions represented in this collection of papers: (i) context of learning (input), (ii) prior knowledge as represented by other language(s) known, (iii) item-learning and lexical development, and (iv) innovations in methodology.


Author(s):  
Paul Johnston

The terms “Fireside Poets” or “Schoolroom Poets” are used to designate a group of five poets—William Cullen Bryant, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, John Greenleaf Whittier, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and James Russell Lowell—who were popular in America in the latter half of the 19th century. Their poetry was read both around household firesides, often aloud by a mother or father to the gathered family, and in schoolrooms, where they inculcated wisdom and morals and patriotic feeling in America’s young. While they continued to be taught in K-12 classrooms well into the 20th century, they lost their standing first with critics and then with college and university professors with the coming of modernism in the early decades of the 20th century. Despite scattered attempts to restore both their critical reputations and their place in the curriculum, they continue to have only a marginal place in the minds of those most familiar with poetry. The Postmodern/New Historicist challenges to modernism find little of interest in them—Belknap’s A New Literary History of America (2009), for instance barely mentions them—while the neo-Victorian turn toward socially conscious literature, which might be expected to retrieve them, has so far paid them little mind, though some attention has recently been given to their environmental and Native American themes. But this marginalization may more reflect the marginalization of poetry as a whole in American society at large than a true estimate of their worth to common readers. While young students no longer read Longfellow’s Evangeline or Bryant’s “The Chambered Nautilus,” these poets may yet form the vanguard of a restoration of the enjoyment of poetry in America.


Laws ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Aurelien Bouayad

This paper explores the complex evolution of the role anthropologists have played as cultural experts in the regulation of the entheogenic use of the peyote cactus throughout the 20th century. As experts of the “peyote cult”, anthropologists provided testimonies and cultural expertise in the regulatory debates in American legislative and judiciary arenas in order to counterbalance the demonization and prohibition of the medicinal and sacramental use of peyote by Native Americans through state and federal legislations. In the meantime, anthropologists have encouraged Peyotists to form a pan-tribal religious institution as a way to secure legal protection of their practice; in 1918, the Native American Church (NAC) was incorporated in Oklahoma, with its articles explicitly referring to the sacramental use of peyote. Operating as cultural experts, anthropologists have therefore assisted jurists in their understanding of the cultural and religious significance of peyote, and have at the same time counseled Native Americans in their interaction with the legal system and in the formatting of their claims in appropriate legal terms. This complex legal controversy therefore provides ample material for a general exploration of the use, evolution, and impact of cultural expertise in the American legal system, and of the various forms this expertise can take, thereby contributing to the contemporary efforts at surveying and theorizing cultural expertise. Through an historical and descriptive approach, the analysis notably demonstrates that the role of anthropologists as cultural experts has been marked by a practical and substantive evolution throughout the 20th century, and should therefore not be restrictively understood in relation to expert witnessing before courts. Rather, this paper underlines the transformative and multifaceted nature of cultural expertise, and highlights the problematic duality of the position that the two “generations” of anthropologists involved in this controversy have experienced, navigating between a supposedly impartial position as experts, and an arguably biased engagement as advocates for Native American religious rights.


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