scholarly journals Hokan Languages

Linguistics ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Jany

Hokan languages are a number of languages grouped together not as a language family, but as a linguistic stock, a series of hypotheses about distant genetic relationships among language families and isolates. The Hokan stock was first proposed in 1913 by Dixon and Kroeber, remotely relating five language families and isolates in Northern California: Chimariko, Shastan, Pomoan, and, with some caveats, Yana and Karuk. Later that same year, they added Esselen and Yuman. Earlier, in 1905, Dixon had linked Shasta to Achumawi (Palaihnihan). The first Hokan hypotheses were mainly based on five presumed cognate sets for eye, tongue, water, stone, and sleep. The stock was named after the Atsugewi word hoqi, meaning “two.” Later, in addition to cognate sets, Dixon and Kroeber observed some general structural characteristics of the Hokan languages, such as the absence of plural in most nouns, verb suffixes indicating plurality, elaborate sets of instrumental verb prefixes, and local suffixes. Over the next decades, Dixon, Kroeber, Sapir, and others expanded the stock. In 1925, Sapir included a total of fourteen language families and isolates in the stock, subdivided into three branches: (a) Karuk, Chimariko, Shastan, Palaihnihan, Yana, and Pomoan; (b) Esselen and Yuman-Cochimí; and (c) Washo, Salinan, Seri, Chumash, Tequistlatecan (Chontal), and Subtiaba-Tlapanec. These branches extended geographically from northern California to Nicaragua. Kaufman later evaluated the proposed hypotheses in Kaufman 1989 (cited under Later Proposals) and came out in favor of including the following sixteen language families and isolates in the Hokan stock, with some caveats: Pomoan, Chimariko, Yana, Karuk, Shastan, Palaihnihan (Achumawi and Atsugewi), Washo, Esselen, Salinan, Yuman, Cochimí, Seri, Coahuilteco, Comecrudan, Tequistlatecan (Chontal), and Jicaque. However, Kaufman did not present any evidence in his article. In 1997, Campbell assessed in detail the validity of the Hokan hypotheses and pointed out several problems associated with the proposals (see Campbell 1997, cited under General Overviews). The possibility of a Hokan stock has generated wide interest ever since it was first proposed in 1913. It has also been the grounds for many discussions and criticisms due to the difficulties in finding supporting evidence for the stock. Some of the critics point out that the Hokan proposals were established when little data was available on the languages and that the hypotheses rely on data that lacks phonetic and phonological accuracy, a key for comparative historical linguistics. Moreover, some critics stress that the data on which the hypotheses are based are unreliable, as they were collected from semi-fluent speakers who had not used their language in decades, and who were speakers of multiple local languages, thus possibly confusing their vocabularies. Furthermore, Mithun points out that the languages hypothesized to belong to the Hokan stock have been in close contact for centuries, making it difficult to distinguish cognates from ancient loans. One of the main problems with the Hokan stock, however, lies in its antiquity. It is estimated to be as old as Proto-Indo-European, which complicates establishing genetic relationships among the languages. Overall, the main problem with Hokan lies in that it is based on very little evidence.

Author(s):  
Carmen Jany

Hokan is a linguistic stock or phylum based on a series of hypotheses about deeper genetic relationships among languages that extend geographically from Northern California to Nicaragua. Following the general effort to genetically link the vast number of Native American languages and to reduce them to a few superstocks, Dixon and Kroeber first proposed the Hokan stock in 1913, to include several California indigenous languages: Karuk, Chimariko, Shastan, Palaihnihan (Atsugewi and Achumawi), Pomoan, Yana, and later Esselen and Yuman. The name Hokan stems from the Atsugewi word for “two”: hoqi. While the first proposals by Dixon and Kroeber rested on very limited cognate sets comprising only five words, later assessments by Sapir included hundreds of putative cognate sets and analyses of Hokan morphosyntax. By 1925, Sapir further included Washo, Salinan, Seri, Chumashan, Tequistlatecan, and Subtiaba-Tlapanec as the Southern Hokan branch into the stock. Throughout the 20th century, scholars sought additional evidence for the stock as more and refined data on the languages became available. A number of languages were added, and earlier proposals were abandoned. A new surge in work on individual California indigenous languages in the 1950s and 1960s prompted a string of studies conducting binary comparisons. This renewed interest inspired a series of Hokan conferences held until the 1990s. A more recent comprehensive assessment of the entire stock was undertaken by Kaufman in 1988. Applying rigorous analysis and only implicating those languages for which he encountered substantial evidence, Kaufman proposes sixteen classificatory units for Hokan clustered geographically. Kaufman’s Hokan stock also includes Coahuilteco and Comecrudan in Mexico and Jicaque in Nicaragua. Although Hokan was widely studied in the 20th century, and many scholars presented what they thought to be supporting evidence, it is far from being an established genetic unit. In fact, many scholars today treat it with a lot of skepticism. One major challenge, as with any phylum-level affiliation, is its time depth. Proto-Hokan is thought to be at least as antique as Proto-Indo-European. Moreover, many of the languages were spoken in geographically contiguous areas, with speakers being multilingual and in close contact for an extended period of time, as is the case in Northern California. This suggests considerable language contact effects and complicates the distinction between true cognates and ancient borrowings. Many of the languages involved further show similarities in grammatical structure as a result of language contact. Hokan languages stretch across California, Nevada, South Texas, various parts of Mexico, Honduras, and Nicaragua and display notable structural differences. Phonologically, the languages show great variation including small and large phoneme inventories and different phonological processes. Typologically, they are equally diverse, but many are considered polysynthetic to varying degrees. Morphosyntactic and grammatical similarities are evident especially among languages spoken in Northern California. These resemblances include sets of lexical affixes with similar meanings and affinities in core argument patterns.


Author(s):  
Sri - Andayani

Probolinggo, East Java is an area of Pandalungan. Culturally, the area has the mixing of Javanese and Madurese cultures, so as the local languages that are used by the society. Most of Probolinggo people master Javanese as well as Madurese language. Besides, there is one more dialect developing in Probolinggo, that is Tengger dialectdialect. It is used by the Tengger society in Tengger Mountainuos region around Mount Bromo. The Javanese that is used by the Tengger society is different from the Javanese of Probolinggo or even the standard Javanese. The significant difference is in the pronunciation of the vowel. It tends to have the features of the Old Javanese. By doing Comparative Historical Linguistics study, the features of Tengger dialect compared to the Modern and Old Javanese. The qualitative descriptive study uses an observation method to collect the data. Then, they are analyzed by the distributional and identity methods. It indicates that the distribution and development of Javanese as a part of Austronesian language family is not merely innovatively. It can be relix likewise. The Tengger dialect phonetical and lexical features tends to be similar to the Old Javanese feature, not the modern ones as the innovative Javanese.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-457
Author(s):  
Robert Blust

This volume contains an introduction and eight papers presented at an international symposium ‘Let's Talk about Trees’, which was organised by Ritsuko Kikusawa and hosted by the National Museum of Ethnology of Osaka, Japan, in February 2013. The stated purpose of the meeting was to evaluate the pros and cons of the classic tree model of historical linguistics in describing the order of splits within a language family. Because the problem of modelling relationships of descent is common to other disciplines, contributors were invited from a range of academic disciplines, including not only linguistics, but also what is described on page one as ‘cladistics’, ‘biology’ and ‘genetics’, although cladistics is clearly a part of biological taxonomy, and not an independent discipline.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Wang (汪鋒) ◽  
Wen Liu (劉文)

Rigorous sound correspondence is fundamental to historical linguistics. It serves as a solid start in studying genetic relationship. Regarding the genetic position of Miao-Yao languages, Li (1937) proposed a hypothesis that the Sino-Tibetan language family consists of Chinese, Tibeto-Burman, Kam-Tai, and Miao-Yao. Benedict (1942; 1975) excluded Miao-Yao from the Sino-Tibetan language family since sound correspondences between Miao-Yao and Chinese were considered to be caused by language contact. The key point in this debate has been ignored for a long time: are the related morphemes proposed in this debate supported by rigorous sound correspondence? In this paper, related morphemes across 11 Miao-Yao languages have been first identified under the requirement of complete sound correspondence, and then analyzed by the Rank Method. The result of the genetic relationship between the 11 Miao-Yao languages has been confirmed. The same procedure has been applied to Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes, and similar pattern has been found. The Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes were recognized to be inherited from the common ancestor of Chinese and Miao-Yao. Combined with the result from the perspective of pervasive sound correspondence (Wang 2015), the proposal of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao has been supported. The Inexplicability Principle has been used to weaken the possibility of Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes being induced by borrowing from Chinese to Miao-Yao, since some sound correspondences are unlikely to be explained by natural phonetic mechanisms. Moreover, related morphemes in Chinese and Miao-Yao have been examined from the perspective of Old Chinese, and such an examination also supports the hypothesis of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao languages. 嚴格的語音對應是歷史比較的基礎,也是判定語源關係的必要條件。在苗瑤語的語源問題研究中,李方桂(1937)提出漢藏語系四語族學說,即漢語、藏緬語、侗台語和苗瑤語。Benedict(1942、1975)則將苗瑤語從漢藏語系中劃分出去,理由是苗瑤語和漢語有對應關係的語素是由接觸造成的。苗瑤語系屬問題的爭議焦點在於苗瑤語和漢語音近義同的一批關係語素是否有嚴格的語音對應支持,然而這一問題一直以來不被重視。本文基於完全對應得到苗瑤語族內部11個語言的關係語素,隨後應用詞階法分析,結果如願所示,這11個語言之間具有發生學關係。同樣的程序應用于漢-苗瑤語關係語素,結果與上述呈現的模式相同,即這些關係語素是來自漢語和苗瑤語共同的祖語,而非語言接觸的產物。結合普遍對應的研究(Wang 2015),漢語和苗瑤語的發生學關係可以得到支持。不可釋原則也顯示漢-苗瑤語關係語素是由苗瑤語從漢語借用的可能性較小,因為二者間的部分語音對應不可能通過自然音變來解釋。此外,從上古漢語的角度對漢-苗瑤語關係語素的校驗也支持二者的同源關係。


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Na’ama Pat-El

Several prominent scholars have recently doubted whether it is possible to differentiate borrowing from internal change, to the point that in some cases subgrouping is not feasible or is restricted (Dench, 2001; Dixon, 2001). Since a situation of prolonged and intense contact between closely related languages is very common, language contact and its results are a major problem if not a real hazard to historical linguistics. The main practical problem is how to differentiate internal changes, changes motivated by internal processes, from external changes, changes due to language contact, when the structure of the languages is so similar. In other words, how do we know which linguistic form is the source of the change: one of the attested languages, or the mother of both of them? In this paper, I suggest two preliminary criteria to isolate the source language in cases of contact: 1) the existence of intermediary stages, and 2) an even spread of the change across categories. I will show, using test cases from the Semitic language family that these criteria can help us distinguish between internal and external changes.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Bowern

Nyulnyulan is a fairly closeknit language family of northwestern Australia. It has been suggested that the family may be an old dialect continuum. While most classifications have recognized two branches, the languages in the middle were all but unattested. It has therefore proven difficult to judge whether the two branches are a result of a tree?like split, or a consequence of missing data. I show from previously missing data that Nyulnyulan is not a dialect chain; there is a clear split even when considering data from the middle languages. This is further evidence that Australian languages are not outside the methods of traditional historical linguistics.


Author(s):  
Martin W. Lewis

Historical linguistics offers powerful tools for the broad-based approach to world history pioneered by Jerry Bentley. Linguistic analysis, for example, has allowed scholars to solve the mystery of the Roma migration to Europe in the medieval period. Unfortunately, historical linguistics is currently threatened by a movement that seeks to reinvent it as a computational science, using techniques borrowed from evolutionary biology and epidemiology. Applying such methods to the vexed issue of the origin of the Indo-European languages, a team of scholars has concluded that this language family originated not among Bronze-Age pastoralists from the Eurasian steppe, as the archeological consensus maintains, but rather among Neolithic farmers living in Anatolia. Careful historical analysis, however, shows that the findings of these scholars are incorrect at nearly every turn. Traditional methods of historical linguistics must therefore be preserved if scholarship on language is to contribute to the further development of Bentleyan world history.


1991 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Croft

Recently, linguists have discovered (or, more accurately, rediscovered) the role that historical linguistics can legitimately play in providing explanations for the facts of synchronic language types. Greater awareness of synchronic variability and its source in historical changes in progress has focused attention on the concept of a language as a system not of static structures, but of interacting processes which the individual speaker becomes involved in as he/she acquires the language and enters the language community (Weinreich, Labov & Herzog, 1968). These processes are hypothesized to be universal, in that they may occur in any language family at any time period (though the initial actuation of a change is still a riddle,ibid. 102).


Author(s):  
Stefan Dienst

ABSTRACT The Arawan language family of south-western Amazonia was named after the extinct Arawá language, which is only known from a short wordlist collected by William Chandless in 1867. This paper investigates what Chandless’s list tells us about the position of Arawá within the family and what can currently be said about the relationship between the living Arawan languages.KEYWORDS: Arawan, historical linguistics, linguistic classification. RESUMO A família lingüística Arawá do sudoeste da Amazônia recebeu o nome de uma língua extinta que é conhecida somente a partir de uma curta lista de palavras coletada por William Chandless em 1867. Este artigo examina o que a lista de Chandless revela sobre a posição da língua Arawá dentro da família e o que se pode dizer atualmente sobre a relação entre as línguas vivas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Arawá, lingüística histórica, classificação lingüística


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Havid Ardi

Minangkabaunese is the main local language originally used by Minangkabaunese people in West-Sumatera, Indonesia; it is one of local languages which belong to Malay language family. The native speakers of Minangkabaunese have been developing their cultural features, properties, and values in such a way that those may influence the forms and uses of the language. One aspect of cultural factors which can be directly seen is the fact that Minangkabaunese has the cultural-traditional style which is called in this paper as “bahasa pasambahan” (hence shortly called BP). The BP of Minangkabaunese is the stylistic forms and uses which are mostly influenced by the cultural-artistic forms and values developed by Minangkabaunese people. Consequently, BP sounds “more artistic” and more stylistic than formal and daily used styles. This paper, which is further derived and developed from a part of research result conducted in 2013 ‘Hibah Kompetensi’ (Jufrizal et.al., 2013), discusses the phenomena of BP whether it is the language style as a politeness strategy or just a stylistic language in Minangkabaunese. The data were collected through a field research and library study and the data were analyzed by means of the related theories of anthropological linguistics. The discussion and explanation on this topic give us opportunity to know and see deeply the interrelationship between language and culture, as a further verification on Sapir-Whorf hypothesis.


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