6. Hinduism, colonialism, and modernity

Author(s):  
Kim Knott

What impact did the presence of the Arabs and Turks, then the Europeans in India, have on the religious ideas and practices of Hindus? ‘Hinduism, colonialism, and modernity’ considers this question and, in particular, looks at the effect of British colonialism on Hinduism. Many of the new Hindu initiatives of the 19th century were pervaded in some way by the influence of western culture and Christian ideas. Many Hindu reformers, such as Gandhi, developed their ideas and actions from the context of British colonial rule. Gandhi sometimes imitated, sometimes resisted, but was always influenced by western conceptions of India and Hinduism.

At-Tuhfah ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yogi prana Izza

Occidentalism is the opposite of orientalism. If Orientalism serves as a theory of knowledge that is used to study the eastern world (Islam), then the reverse is occidentalism is used to study the Western world. One of the initiators of Occidentalism figure is Hasan Hanafi. Through his Occidentalism theory, this paper seeks to unmask imperialism Dutch politics in Java in the 19th century and the beginning of 20. The result is a political culture that is used Dutch ancient times, same the patterns with contemporary politics in the present era. Thus, it is time, the reality of contemporary addressed wisely. As the purpose of Occidentalism’s Hassan Hanafi is to awaken people to the project called "atturast wa at-tajdid" (Heritage Civilization and Renewal) and the reality of the present (al-waqi ') can be addressed wisely by doing the reconstruction of the heritage of ancient civilizations (at-turast al-Qodim), as well as the position of al-ana confirmation before Western culture (al-Akhar)


Author(s):  
Tamara S. Wagner

Colonial settler narratives comprise chiefly fictional as well as autobiographically inspired or anecdotal writing about emigration and settler life. The 19th century saw an increasingly systematic mass migration across the globe that proceeded on an unprecedented scale. Global movements, including emigration and return, were facilitated by improved transport technology, new trading routes, and burgeoning emigration societies. A new market for writing about migration and the settler world emerged. The settler narratives of British colonizers present a valuable record of growing public interest in the experience of emigrants and settlers at the time. Whereas accounts of first-hand experience at first simply formed a central part of an expanding information industry and were promptly harnessed by pro-emigration propaganda, settler narratives quickly evolved into a diverse set of writing that consisted of (1) prescriptive and cautionary accounts, presented in narrative form, (2) tales of exploration and adventure, including bush yarns and mateship narratives, as well as (3) detailed descriptions of everyday settler life in domestic and increasingly also New Woman fiction. Equally important, writing produced within the settler colonies had a twofold relationship with British-authored literature, written at the imperial center, and hence participated in the formation of literary traditions on several levels. Exploring Victorian narratives of the colonial settler world helps map how genre travels and becomes transformed, shaping the literature of a global 19th century. These narratives provide a rich source of material for a much-needed reassessment of the diverse experiences and representations of emigration and settlement in the 19th century, while demanding renewed attention as an important part of literary history.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keally McBride

The rule of law is understood as a clear benchmark or achievement in contemporary international politics. But the rule of law is better understood as an invariably messy, contingent, and incomplete process or practice. This article examines how one man, Sir James Stephen, oversaw the rule of law in British colonial territories in the first half of the 19th century. He offers clear lessons in why the rule of law can never be definitively achieved, and the importance of approaching law’s administration with humility.


Author(s):  
Aldur Vunk

Under examination are the developments that occurred in name traditions that were caused by Christianisation as can be ascertained on the basis of written sources. The area under examination is the Livonian revenue district which was defined in the 17th century, and which, by the end of the century, comprised the Svētciems Manor. The first names of the peasants identified as Livonians in the first half of the 19th century were compared to the first names of the farmers recorded in the soul revisions from the 17th century. As a result, the article ascertains that the custom of having two first names had disappeared by the 17th century. In the 18th century, a new name – Gust/Gustav – had been added to the name tradition in the region. By the turn of the 19th century, after six centuries of integration under colonial rule, the Christian names of the Livonians, Latvians, and Estonians were so similar that it was difficult to distinguish among them based on their first names. Various local versions of Western European Christian names were overwhelmingly in use.Kokkuvõte. Aldur Vunk: Muutused liivlaste eesnimedes Salatsi piirkonnas 17. ja 18. sajandil. Otsest survet pühakunimede valimisel, nagu oli tavaks idakirikus, läänekirik ei tundnud. Siiski oli ristinimede valikus ka uusajal enamus apostlite ja pühakute nimesid. Liivi vakuse talupoegade 44 eesnimest olid 1624. aasta revisjoni põhjal selliseid nimesid 31: Marten (4), Tomas/Tohmas (4), Matz/Matzken (4), Hanß (4), Hans (3), Jan/Jans (3), Andres/Andreas (3), Jürgen/Jür (3), Jak/Jack (2) ja Peter. Kui siia lisada veel Grist Hanß (3), oli apostlite ja pühakute nimesid eesnimedest 70%. Sama tüüpi eesnimed olid valitsevad ka 60 aastat hiljem, kui Svētciems’i mõisa 40 peremehe eesnimedest olid 31 tuletatud apostlite ja pühakute nimedest: Hans (5), Andrus/Andres (5), Jack (5), Jörgen (4), Mats (3), Tohm (2), Jahn (2), Jüri (2), Juhan, Tönnis ja Marten. Ebajärjekindlus nimede kirjaviisides 17.–19. sajandil ei võimalda teha detailseid järeldusi, kuid nimevormide Hanß ja Hans esinemise järgi juba 1624. aasta revisjonikirjetes võib tõmmata paralleeli 19. sajandi alguses kasutuses olnud nimevormidega Anz, Ansche ja Ange. Huvitav on veel 17. sajandi esimesel poolel eksisteerinud kahe eesnime panemise komme, eriti nimepaari esimene nimi, milleks järjekindlalt oli Grist. Selle kombe tagamaid on ühe allika põhjal raske välja selgitada ja võib vaid oletada, et tegemist on katoliku aja traditsiooniga. Usupuhastusliikumise vastuoludele, mis veel 17. sajandil oli olulise tähendusega, võib osundada ka tunduvalt vähemat kasutust leidnud eesnimi Pape/Poope. Kokkuvõttes on 17. sajandist kuni 19. sajandini eesnimede traditsiooni muutuste taga küllalt sageli näha poliitilisi ja ühiskondlikke arenguid. Nimetraditsioon ei jäänud juba keskajal lokaalseks nähtuseks ja oli vägagi sarnane ülejäänud kristliku ruumiga. Samuti väljendusid selles reformatsiooniajastu vastuolud ja võimalik, et koguni oma vaadete manifesteerimine. Nähtavasti jättis talupoeglik nimetraditsioon lisaks järjepidevusele selles koha ka poolehoiuavaldustele headele isandatele või mõjukatele ristivanematele.Märksõnad: Liivimaa, Salatsi liivlased, ajalooline onomastika, eesnimedKubbõvõttõks. Aldur Vunk: Mõitõkst līvlizt eḑḑiztnimīs Salāts immõrkouțš 17. ja 18. āigastsadā āigal Vežgõrpivākuodā iz tund kūoḑizt painõ lõvvõ pivālizt nimīdi nei kui se um irdõksõks mǭgõr pivākuodās. Sīegid vȯļtõ ka ūdāiga rištõbnimūd ulzvȯtštõbs jemmit vȯļțõ apostõld ja pivālizt nimūd. Līvõ vakā talūd 44 eḑīznimstõ vȯļtõ seļļizt 1624. āigast revīzij pierrõ 31: Marten (4), Tomas/Tohmas (4), Matz/Matzken (4), Hanß (4), Hans (3), Jan/Jans (3), Andres/Andreas (3), Jürgen/Jür (3), Jak/Jack (2) ja Peter. Ku näntõn jūrõ pānda vel Grist Hanß (3), vȯļ apostõld ja pivālizt nimīdi eḑḑiztnimūd siegās 70%. Siedā īž tīpõ eḑḑiztnimūd vȯļtõ jemmits vel 60 āigastõ obbõm, ku Pivākilā mȯizõ 40 perīmīe eḑḑiznimīst 31 vȯļtõ sǭdõd apostõld ja pivālizt nimīst: Hans (5), Andrus/Andres (5), Jack (5), Jörgen (4), Mats (3), Tohm (2), Jahn (2), Jüri (2), Juhan, Tönnis ja Marten. Nimūd kēravīț äbpīldzit 17.–19. āigastsadāl äb lask tīedõ pīenõstiz pierāldõkši, umīțigid võib 1624. āigast revīzijkēraltõkst nimūdõn Hanß ja Hans vieddõ paralēlõ 19. āigastsadā īrgandõks nimūdõks Anz, Ansche ja Ange. Interesant um vel 17, āigastsadā ežmis pūols vȯnd kǭd edḑīznim panmiz mūoḑ, ī’žkiz nimūdpǭr ežmi nim, mis pīldzist vȯļ Grist. Sīe mūod pūojõ īdāinagiz ovāt alīz pǟl um lǟlam seļțõ, võib set vȱldatõ ku se um katol āiga irdõks. Uskpūdistimizlikkimiz vastālitõn, mis vel 17. āigastsadā āigal vȯļ vȯldzi, võib vīțõ ka veitõm kȭlbatõd eḑḑinim Pape/ Poope. Amāleb võib 17. –19. āigastsadā āiga eḑḑiztnimūd irdõks mõitõkst tagān saggõld nǟdõ polītiliži ja kubgõn kazāndõkši. Nimūdirdõks iz ūo jõbā sidāmtāigal kūožli nǟdõks, se vȯļ jõvāgid īti mū kristliz īlmaks. Neiīž saitõ sīes spīegiļtõd reformātsij āiga vastõvȯlmizt ja võib vȱlda īž ka eņtš nēmizt nägțimi. Silmõznǟdsõ vȯļ talrov nimūdirdõksõs andtõd kūož ka pūolõpidāmizt pierāst jõvād izāndõdõn agā mȯjjizt rištvanbiztõn.


Author(s):  
Toyin Falola ◽  
Matthew Heaton

This chapter examines the transformations brought about by British colonial rule in Nigeria, which began with the annexation of Lagos in 1861 and ended with the independence of Nigeria on October 1, 1960. Colonial rule transformed political, economic, social, and cultural dynamics among indigenous peoples. Indirect rule bound “traditional” rulers to British authority. The economy became increasingly dependent on exports. European education created a middle class of Nigerian civil servants and social activists both indebted to the colonial project and resistant to its racialist underpinnings. Resistance to colonial rule took a number of forms, incrementally moving Nigeria toward independence. However, decolonization also brought regionalization and a hardening of ethnic identities. British colonialism created Nigeria, but did little to make it a viable, stable, self-sustaining national entity. The historiography of colonial rule in Nigeria has been shaped by efforts to grapple with the antecedents of postcolonial crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Maciej B. Stępień

This article presents the cognitive error made by Helena P. Blavatsky concerning the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary. Blavatsky’s error consisted in ascribing the term “Immaculate Conception” to the content of one of the basic tenets of the Christian faith, which is the Incarnation of the Lord. An additional mistake in connection with this error was the observation that it was only in the middle of the 19th century that the Church elevated this truth to the rank of dogma. The confusion of the conception of the Mother with the Incarnation of the Son, and the association of the latter with the term “Immaculate Conception” gave rise to further difficulties, when the new verse of the Litany of Loretto pointed to Mary as “immaculately conceived.” The doubled cognitive problem that H. P. Blavatsky had to face because of this led her to announce further fantastic theories about the Immaculate Conception, which were not challenged by anyone for the next 150 years. Her grave cognitive error is now widespread and responsible for the functioning in contemporary Western culture of popular expressions such as the “Immaculate Conception of Christ,” where the “immaculateness” of the conception means the absence of sexual intercourse leading to the conception of a child. As a result of the widespread use of expressions of this type the authentic content of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary remains unknown to many people. In the article, this issue is presented based on the sources, which testify to the agency of H. P. Blavatsky as regards the spread of this cognitive error in the Western culture.


Author(s):  
Sunny Le Galloudec

Although history ultimately favored the portuary development of SàiGòn and HảiPhòng, it was Tourane (ĐNẵng) that was the initial target of French colonial ambitions in the Indochinese peninsula. For over a century (17401858), its bay and territory had been the scene and the epicenter of Franco-British overseas imperial rivalries, a fact which actively fostered an entire set of colonial images about the site, which was quite often referred to as potential base to serve the interests of commerce and the Navy. Despite these ambitions nurtured over a long period, it was only after the conquest of Tonkin, thirty years after the Cochinchina expedition, that its territory was finally established as a concession: on 3 October 1888, the French were finally seizing juridical control of Tourane. As a conceded territory, Tourane was essential to French colonial and imperial designs. The focal point of political and economic ambitions, it was both a gateway and a means to prepare and support the French colonial project in Indochina. A hybrid and previously unknown template, the conceded territory model designed for, and from, Tourane indeed allowed the French to implement new strategies to tighten colonial rule in Indochina. Offering an unprecedented analysis on the creation of the French concession of Tourane at the end of the 19th century, this research examines the political context during which it was conceived, the work and conclusions given by the commission in charge of studying its borders and jurisdiction, and the steps taken by the colonial administration in order to seize definitive control of a strategic territory inside what was then left of the Đại Nam Kingdom. All in all, comparing Tourane with others treaty ports, it shows how and why its territory stood out as a micro-colony in a protectorate territory (Annam-Tonkin).


2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bergunder

Summary During the British colonial regime in the 19th century Western Indologists and missionaries, with the participation of the indigenous scholars who controlled traditional systems of knowledge, formed models for the description of early religious history which was especially inspired by linguistic ideas whose central concept was the so-called ‘Aryan immigration’ into Northern India. This Orientalist historiography concerning events that lay back several thousand years found its way into political and religious discourse in one form or another. These projections developed into highly significant ingredients of the various political, ethnic, and religious movements and parties, such as the Dravidian Movement or the Nationalist Hindu groupings. The present paper tries to map out the corner stones of modern-day discourses concerning Indian pre- and early history which has developed into something of a veritable battle about the past..


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (11) ◽  
pp. 619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karline McLain

The Bhagavad Gita is a philosophical Hindu scripture in which the god Krishna imparts lessons to the warrior prince Arjuna about sacred duty (dharma) and the path to spiritual liberation (moksha). This classical scripture has had a long and active interpretive life, and by the 19th century it had come to be regarded as a core text, if not the core text, of Hinduism. During the colonial period, interpretations of the Bhagavad Gita considered the relevance of Krishna’s lessons to Arjuna in the context of British colonial rule. While some Indians read a call to arms into their interpretation of this scripture and urged their fellow Indians to rise up in armed resistance, Gandhi famously read a nonviolent message into it. This article argues that equally as important as Gandhi’s hermeneutics of nonviolence is his commitment to enacting the lessons of the Bhagavad Gita as he interpreted them in the daily life of his intentional communities. When explored through the lens of daily life in these intentional communities (which Gandhi called ashrams), we see that Gandhi’s interpretation of the Bhagavad Gita emphasized not just nonviolence but also disciplined action, including self-sacrifice for the greater good.


Author(s):  
Oxana V. Ivanchenko

This article summarizes the results of three field studies conducted in Tanzania in 2018–2020 by A.A. Banshchikova, O.V. Ivanchenko and V.N. Bryndina. The research focused on Tanzanians’ memories about the 19th century Arab-Swahili slave trade and its possible impact on the contemporary interethnic relations in the country. More than 160 formal and informal interviews in English and Swahili were taken in Dar es Salaam, Bagamoyo, Kaole, Tanga, Pangani, Zanzibar and several other locations. The choice of informants was carried out maintaining representativeness of the sample by the education level, gender, age, confession, ethnicity. This article highlights the participation of Tanzanian chiefs in the slave trade. Respondents were asked whether tribal chiefs and tribes took part in this business; which tribes and chiefs were involved; what was their motivation; do these memories affect nowadays interethnic relations in Tanzania. It turned out that Tanzanians do not express negative attitude towards local tribes and chiefs involved in the slave trade; moreover, their involvement is often presented as enforced (due to the fear of Arabs, who possessed more modern weapons, or as a result of their dishonesty). Meanwhile, the engagement of Arabs in the slave trade is well known; there are some tensions in the relations between Afro- and Arab-Tanzanians, including those related to history. Talking about renowned persons involved in the slave trade, respondents often named chiefs famous for resisting German colonization. For them the story of resistance to colonial rule and gaining independence remains much more important than the memory of the slave trade.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document