Breaking the News

Author(s):  
Simon A. Waldman ◽  
Emre Caliskan

This chapter explains the severe and systemic restrictions of the press during the period of military tutelage. However, despite the armed forces being removed from political life, press censorship intensified during the AKP period. Under military tutelage, the press was severely curtailed, even compromised. While the erosion of the military’s power is good for democracy, freedom of expression did not improve. Instead of allowing the media to flourish, the government has manipulated it, co-opted it or attacked it fervently and furiously. The lack of a free and fair press in Turkey represents a significant democratic deficit. Not only does it avoid government accountability and erode a check on the power of the government, but it also highlights severe restrictions on freedom of expression. The fear and self-censorship of the media diminishes the internal debate on Turkish politics and the direction of the country, and it is a reflection of the state of affairs in Turkey as a whole.

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.


Author(s):  
Martha Minow

This book argues that US democracy presumes a news industry but that industry currently is failing. It focuses on the contributions of digital platforms and legal rules to the current situation and on the government's responsibilities for alleviating the problem. As the book shows, the First Amendment of the US Constitution assumes the existence and durability of a private industry. Despite some concerns that government action now is not permitted, nothing in the Constitution forecloses government action to regulate concentrated economic power, to require disclosure of who is financing communications, or to support news initiatives where there are market failures. Moreover, the federal government always been involved in shaping the media environment; it has contributed financial resources, laws, and regulations to develop and shape media in the United States. The government has subsidized development of the internet and crafted legal immunities for digital platforms; the government has crafted the direction and contours of America's media ecosystem. The shift of people’s attention to media platforms that borrow news stories without paying for them and spread misinformation jeopardizes journalism, reliable news sources, and the very respect for truth-telling. To maintain government accountability and inform a public as required in a democracy, The book outlines an array of reforms, including a new fairness doctrine, regulating digital platforms as public utilities, using antitrust authority to regulate the media, policing fraud, and more robust funding of public media. As the text stresses, such reforms are not merely plausible ideas; they are the kinds of initiatives needed if the First Amendment guarantee of freedom of the press continues to hold meaning in the twenty-first century.


Significance The issue of media independence has become a fraught one under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration, with perceptions rising among journalists and the public that the government is subjecting the media to political pressure. Critics of the administration speak of censorship and threats to freedom of expression. Japan's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index has fallen from 22nd in 2011-12, before Abe took office, to 61st in 2015. Impacts The government seems likely to try to marginalise the criticisms of constitutional scholars, like it marginalises its other critics. International media as well as domestic journalists are likely to feel some pressure from the authorities. In the near term, the issue is unlikely to destabilise the government, or derail passage of security legislation.


Significance Tensions between the Gulf states and Iran have escalated significantly in 2016, in the wake of Iran's signing of a landmark deal in 2015 that brought to an end the decade-long dispute over its nuclear programme. The response of Iran's military to the heightened tensions will be partly influenced by the new chairman of the Armed Forces General Staff (AFGS), the country's top military body, Major General Mohamad Hossein Bagheri. Impacts A more assertive and non-compromising IRGC will increase pressure on President Hassan Rouhani as he seeks re-election in 2017. Improvements in intelligence collection and dissemination are likely in Syria, aimed at reducing Iranian casualties. The military and government are likely to clash soon over the defence budget and its allocation. The government will try to keep the IRGC in check by tipping the media off about alleged financial wrongdoings. With the next US president expected to adopt a harder-line stance on Iran, the diplomatic rapprochement may be reversed partially.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Sapiezynska

Two narratives dominate the literature about the state of freedom of expression in postliberal Venezuela, and they have few points in common, since they depend on different conceptualizations of the notion of freedom of expression. While the traditional liberal narrative focuses on the negative freedom that prohibits state interference, the postliberal narrative is based on positive freedom that encompasses the collective right of self-realization, particularly for the previously marginalized. During the government of Hugo Chávez, the discourse of freedom of expression was renewed, placing it in the context of power relations, accentuating positive freedom, and emphasizing the role of the public and community media. The establishment of the international public channel TeleSUR has revived the 1970s debate about the right to communication and contributed to the creation of a new Latin American-ness. En la literatura predominan dos narrativas acerca del estado de la libertad de expresión en la Venezuela posliberal las que tienen pocos puntos en común porque parten de visiones distintas del concepto de la libertad de expresión. Mientras la narrativa liberal tradicional enfoca sólo en la libertad negativa que previene la injerencia estatal, la narrativa posliberal se centra en la libertad positiva que abarca la autorrealización del derecho colectivo, también de los previamente marginalizados. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez el discurso acerca de la libertad de expresión se renueva, insertando el concepto en el contexto de las relaciones de poder, acentuando la libertad positiva y enfatizando el rol de los medios públicos y comunitarios. El establecimiento del medio público internacional TeleSUR revive los debates sobre el derecho a la comunicación de la década de los 70 y aporta a la creación de una nueva Latinoamericanidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Md. Aliur Rahman ◽  
Harun-Or Rashid

The Digital Security Act 2018 has created some barriers for citizens' accessing information and freedom of expression, particularly for the media professionals including journalists in Bangladesh. Thus, investigative journalism is now in a state of fear for distinction. In this context, the purpose of the study is to explore various effects of this Act, as well as to focus on different directions of protection while facing fears associated with the law. Showing the necessities for investigative journalism, this article also presented different fields of such an effective journalism. Methodologically, this article has followed the qualitative approach and collected information from both the primary and secondary sources. The findings from this study have shown that the fear of negative impacts form the Digital Security Act is dominant although the aim of the law, as described, is to provide security for information and communication. From the analysis of opinions of experts, it is easily predictable that some articles of the law have created dangerous threats on the way of investigative journalism, considering its applicable effects. Most of the experts expressed concerns about the negative impacts the law does have, as shown in the findings.  It is also reflected that these harmful effects would fall ultimately on the shoulder of the state creating such a bad situation where the government is feared to have lagged in terms of taking the right decisions at the right time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 1227-1241
Author(s):  
Anna Tous-Rovirosa ◽  
Daria Dergacheva

This article analyses the political communication on Twitter of the Government of Spain at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic. The #estevirusloparamosunidos campaign on Twitter is monitored during the dates with the worst results in terms of fatalities (March 31th- April, 4th, 2020). The sample included in total 398 523 tweets in four data sets. Through the Social Network Analysis, the main actors and the main interactions between users are identified. The research shows a high coincidence between the typology of the Press Conference Spokespersons and the main actors on the analyzed hashtag, prioritizing the Spanish Administration and the Armed Forces. There was also a high relationship of the main opinion leaders with their “natural spectrum”. We conclude that in this hashtag there was a “war-like” atmosphere. Via the computer-based text analysis we identify that the word ‘government’ was mentioned more than medical words and that there are present some military-like terms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Sami Kolamo ◽  
Jani Vuolteenaho

Berliinin vuoden 1936 olympialaiset olivat aikansa massiivisin ja järjestelyiltään erityisen tarkasti harkittu propagandanäytös, jossa esiteltiin ”uutta uljasta Saksaa” urheilua seuraavalle kansainväliselle yleisölle. Yhtäaikaisena tavoitteena oli Saksan kansalaisten ”spirituaalinen mobilisaatio” natsihallinnon hegemonian lujittamiseksi. Analyysimme ytimessä on yhdistetyn propagandan käsite. Arnd Krüger viittaa käsitteellään samanaikaisesti valtion sisä- ja ulkopuolelle suuntautuvaan mediavälitteiseen kokemusten muokkaamiseen ja kielteisten mielikuvien häivyttämiseen myönteisten mielikuvien tieltä.Lähestymme mediateollisuutta ja sen roolia Berliinin olympialaisten kokemuksellisessa tuotannossa kolmesta toisiinsa limittyvästä näkökulmasta. Ensiksikin havainnoimme sitä, millä tavoin media- ja kaupunkitila linkittyivät yhteen olympialaisten organisoinnissa ja esillepanossa. Ennen olympialaisia kaupunkitiloja ehostettiin ja siivottiin rotuopin ja -sorron merkeistä. Propagandististen kaupunkitilojen tuottamiseen osallistettiin aktiivisesti myös paikallisia ihmisiä. Toiseksi kiinnitämme huomiota mediateknologioiden eli lehdistön, radion ja television rooliin megatapahtuman tarinallistamisessa ja intensiivisen kisatunnelman kohottamisessa. Goebbels kuvaili lehdistöä ”suureksi näppäimistöksi, jota hallitus voi soittaa”. Natsipropagandan viestintäteknologioista radio oli erityisen keskeisessä asemassa. Olympialaisten aikana kisojen pääväylän, olympiastadionille johtavan Via Triumphaliksen varrelle sijoitettiin kaiuttimia, joiden kautta olympialaisten tapahtumat levisivät lähiympäristöön ja kokosivat ihmisiä yhteisen kokemuksen äärelle.Kolmanneksi analysoimme Leni Riefenstahlin Olympia-elokuvan tuotantoprosessia, dramaturgisia ratkaisuja ja vastaanottoa. Elokuvassa, jota natsivaltio avokätisesti rahoitti, pyrkimyksenä oli ikuistaa täydelliseksi hiottuja otoksia urheilijoiden kehollisesta kauneudesta, liikkeen estetiikasta ja haltioituneista yleisömassoista. Päätelmissä summaamme mediavälitteistä kokemusten muokkaamista valtiopropagandan kulta-aikana, jolloin urheilusta ja sen megatapahtumista oli tullut koko kansan viihdettä. Berliinin olympialaiset rikkoivat katsojamääräennätyksiä niin tapahtumapaikoilla kuin radion ääressä, ja näin voimistivat natsien valta-asemaa etenkin Saksassa.Nazis advocating friendship between nations – The logics of propaganda in the 1936 Berlin OlympicsAimed at displaying the “brave new Germany” to the attending international sporting community and media audiences in the rest of the world, the 1936 Berlin Olympics constituted an unprecedentedly massive propaganda show, planned and organised with the greatest care. Domestically, a simultaneous goal was the “spiritual mobilisation” of the German people to consolidate the Nazi regime’s hegemony over them. In this article, we apply Arnd Krüger’s concept of concerted propaganda to denote the media-driven shaping of experiences and effacement of unfavourable associations to leverage positive images of the Nazi Germany at domestic and international scales.In particular, we inquire into the media industry’s roles in the production of experiences in the Berlin Olympics from three overlapping perspectives. First, we observe the ways in which cityscapes and mediascapes were entangled in the organising and staging of the 1936 Olympics. In the run-up to the Games, public spaces across Berlin were decorated and scrubbed of the signs of racist Nazi ideology and oppression. The intra-urban propaganda also included encouraging local people to actively participate in the production of a veneer of hospitality. Second, we pay heed to press-, radio- and television-associated technologies in the propagandist narrativization and atmospheric intensification that occurred around the Olympic mega-event. According to Joseph Goebbels, the press is “a great keyboard which the government can play.” Meanwhile, radio was a central instrument in the Nazi’s Olympic propaganda. Along Berlin’s major arterial road during the Olympics, the so-called Via Triumphalis, loudspeakers were perched on lampposts, ensuring that people outside the main venues were also kept abreast of and emotionally captivated by ongoing Olympic events.Third, we analyse the production process, dramaturgic choices, and reception of Leni Riefenstahl’s artistic propaganda documentary Olympia, premiered a year and a half after the Berlin Olympics. Generously sponsored by the Nazi state, Olympia sought to perpetuate perfected shots on the athletes’ bodily beauty, kinetic aesthetics and enthralled spectator masses. In conclusion, we discuss the characteristics of the media-driven production of experiences during the heyday of state propaganda, in a historic context in which sporting mega-events had achieved a status as widely popular entertainment. The Berlin Olympics broke previous spectator and radio-listener records, and strengthened the Nazis’ ideological sway over people in Germany, in particular.


Jurnal HAM ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 533
Author(s):  
Tasya Safiranita ◽  
Travis Tio Pratama Waluyo ◽  
Elizabeth Calista ◽  
Danielle Putri Ratu ◽  
Ahmad M. Ramli

Cyberspace is the interdependent network of information technology infrastructures such as the internet, telecommunications networks, and computer systems. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s Law Number 11 of 2008 and its amendment through Indonesian Law Number 19 of 2016 governing cyberspace have been viewed to contradict and infringe other areas of law, such as protection of press or freedom of expression. Hence, this study seeks to identify the controversies and problems regarding the law deemed urgent for amendment. Further, this study creates recommendations so the government may amend electronic information policy more fairly and efficiently. This study uses a judicial normative and comparative approach. This research tries to analyze the existing regulations and the implementation and compare Indonesia’s cyberspace regulation with other States’. This study finds that Articles 27(3) and 28(2) of the law criminalize defamation and hate speech in an overly broad manner and that Article 40(2)(b) allows the government to exercise problematic censorship. As a result, they have infringed the freedom of the press and general freedom of expression in practice. In response to this, this study compares similar provisions from other States and recommends amendment the articles to become narrower and more clearly defined.


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