Accommodations

Outsiders ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 111-134
Author(s):  
Zachary Kramer

Accommodations are a common feature of life, but a vexing problem in civil rights law. To accommodate is to disrupt the status quo, to regard another, to recognize one’s needs and humanity. Accommodations can be a powerful thing. Even brief accommodations are an exchange of information, which become crucial experiences, as they force us to reckon with a harsh truth: The idea that all people are created equal is a legal command, not a practical description. We all have different needs and capabilities, different beliefs and wants. We accommodate not to erase these differences but to respect them. As a vehicle to realize our ambitions, and a functional means to make equality real for everyone in need of respect, accommodations are a way to bring outsiders in. As a result, accommodation is the antidote to modern discrimination. As we turn inward, as individuality becomes the common experience, accommodation is the right tool for our time. It is a means of making meaningful change.

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor G Gates ◽  
Margery C Saunders

Workers who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)-identified have always been a part of the workplace in the United States, yet there has been a lack of awareness about how to advocate for the needs of these people. This lack of awareness was challenged by Congresswoman Bella Abzug. Abzug’s campaign for creating an equal working environment for sexual minorities initiated gradual changes in the public discourse concerning workplace and other broad equality measures for these communities. To frame these gradual transformations within a historical context, we use Lewin’s force field analysis framework to examine the change efforts of Abzug. Abzug had beginning success in thawing the status quo yet her visions for equality for LGBTQ people have yet to be realized. Using Abzug’s social action as an example, this article concludes that allies must continue to challenge societal oppression, power, and privilege and to demand civil rights protections for LGBTQ individuals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
Irman Widi Kurniawan ◽  
Etty Mulyati ◽  
Betty Rubiati

ABSTRAKDi dalam bagian kedua UUPA mengatur tentang pelaksanaan konversi hak atas tanah menjadi wujud kepastian hukum sebagaimana ketentuan Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD 1945. Namun kepastian hukum terhadap konversi Hak atas tanah barat terutama sertifikat Hak Eigendom Verponding masih menjadi problematika tersendiri bagi masyarakat yang memiliki bukti kepemilikan hak atas tanah barat tersebut apabila dijadikan sebuah jaminan guna memperoleh fasilitas kredit. Metode penelitian yang digunakan ialah yuridis normatif dengan kajian bahan hukum primer, sekunder serta tersier. Berdasarkan pembahasan tersebut bahwa Kepastian Hukum terkait konversi hak Eigendom Verponding telah memiliki kekuatan hukum mengikat dengan ketentuan diperlukan konversi sehingga dapat dijadikan objek jaminan namun dalam prakteknya masih terdapat objek jaminan dengan tidak memperhatikan asal mula objek jaminan tersebut serta akibat hukum terhadap konversi hak atas tanah tersebut adalah pemberlakuan UUPA menjadi dasar bahwasanya prinsip status quo hak atas tanah terdahulu memberikan jaminan kepastian hukum dengan ketentuan hak-hak lama menjadi tidak diakui keberadaannya. Kata Kunci: hak atas tanah; hak barat; kepastian hukum jaminan; konversi ABSTRACTIn the second section of the UUPA regulates the conversion of land rights into a form of legal certainty as stipulated in Article 33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. But the legal certainty of the conversion of the Right to western land, especially the Eigendom Verponding Rights certificate, remains a problem for people who have proof of ownership of the western land if it is used as a guarantee to obtain credit facilities. The research method used is normative juridical with the study of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. Based on the discussion that legal certainty related to the conversion of rights Eigendom Verponding has had a binding legal force with the necessary provisions of conversion so that it can be used as an object of guarantee but in practice there is still an object of guarantee by not taking into account the origin of the object of the guarantee and the legal consequences of the conversion of the right to land is the enactment of the UUPA being the basis that the principle of the status quo of the former land rights provides a guarantee of legal certainty with the provisions of old rights to be unclaimed civility. Keywords: conversion; guarantee legal certainty; land rights; western rights


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 47-75
Author(s):  
Wioletta Pawska

The Right of Minors to Freedom from Gambling and Internet andGaming Addition The aim of the article is to highlight the dangers of gambling and Internet and gaming addiction of minors and young persons. The author is convinced that in the absence of positive legislative changes and if creators of games engaging young persons in gaming are not punished, children will not be safe in the online environment. There will not have any other lives than those in the games they play. Additionally, the most important thing is the role of the parents, guardians and teachers. They should talk to children about the problem, show them the dangers and organise better their free time – in an educational and carefree way. In accordance with the obligatory rules of custody, they should ensure them suitable development, safety and a sense of belonging. The teachers ought to support these activities. Summarising, if the status quo continues to be tolerated, minors and young person’s will be deprived of carefree life and suffer from harm and even sudden deaths. The author is sure that parents and children do not give enough attention to that and we should not take away from young person’s the joy of simple things letting them play in the Internet instead.


Author(s):  
Eric Schickler

This chapter examines the status quo before the start of the civil rights realignment, showing that civil rights was simply not viewed as part of the standard “liberal program” as of the early 1930s. Although African Americans were vocal in attacking Franklin D. Roosevelt's weak civil rights record, they were largely alone. When whites on the left pushed Roosevelt to be a more forthright liberal or progressive, they criticized him for inadequate support for labor, weak business regulation, and insufficient recovery spending—but not for his failure to back civil rights. At this early stage, the “enemies” of a liberal Democratic Party generally were not identified with the South but instead were probusiness Democrats from the Northeast, associated with Al Smith of New York. Economic questions were the key battleground in the eyes of white liberals, and civil rights did not figure in these debates.


1971 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rawson

If we remember anything about Cicero's political ideas, it is that he believed in the right and duty of the senate to exercise supremacy in Rome, but that he also advocated aconcordia ordinmi, an alliance between and recognition of the common interests of senators andequites, to whom property and thestatus quowere sacred. Closely connected with this is the idea of aconsensus omnium bonorum, a wider alliance to include most of theplebs, and Italy. In the service of this ideal of unity he believed that the conservative statesman should beconcordiae causa sapienter popularis, though he should consult the true interests of the people even more than their wishes; and that all government should be mild and conciliatory. These are the views by which we distinguish him from his more obstinate optimate contemporaries, above all Cato, who are less flexible, more rigidly reactionary. Although, since Strasburger's famous study ofConcordia Ordinum, students of Cicero ought to have been prepared to pursue some of these beliefs of his back into the Roman past, too many historians and biographers still give the impression that they were Cicero's own invention (and an unhappy and unrealistic one too, it is often implied). But this is rash. Cicero,pacesome of his detractors, was an intelligent man; but he was not a man of deeply original mind, as would be generally admitted. His greatness lay not in originality, but in the life and form that he could give to the Roman tradition, enriching or illuminating it, sometimes even criticising it, from his knowledge of Greek history and thought.We should be chary therefore of supposing that Cicero's political programme was wholly his own; and, where a programme on a practical level is concerned, we should probably look more closely for Roman than for Greek sources. The first place to search is of course in a man's immediate family background, its position, traditions and contacts. This is true of all ages and places; but it is especially true of Rome. In the recent and justified reaction against the idea of fixed family parties, allied to or warring with certain other families from generation to generation, we are in danger of forgetting that family tradition in a broad sense was often very important. Cicero explains in thede officiishow one should imitate not only themaioresin general, but one's ownmaioresin particular – thus successive Scaevolae have become legal experts, and Scipio Aemilianus emulated the military glory of the first Africanus.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Baines

This article addresses a research gap by analysing the way the Australian legal system is balancing the right to religious autonomy of organisations and the right of lgbti individuals not to be discriminated against, and considers what ought to be the case. I argue that the Australian legal system recognises the value of religious freedom on the one hand, and on the other hand, does not place a high priority on protecting it as an existing human right. My findings reveal that the Australian legal system is not always defining the religion and society relationship in ways that reflect the lived reality of religion in society. The issue is compounded by the wording of religious exemptions under anti-discrimination law which is contested within faith communities. As a consequence, religious freedom can be unfairly restricted. I conclude with recommendations to improve the status quo.


1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moritz Drexl ◽  
Andreas Kleiner

A committee decides collectively whether to accept a given proposal or to maintain the status quo. Committee members are privately informed about their valuations and monetary transfers are possible. According to which rule should the committee make its decision? We consider strategy-proof and anonymous mechanisms and solve for the decision rule that maximizes utilitarian welfare, which takes monetary transfers to an external agency explicitly into account. For regular distributions of preferences, we find that it is optimal to exclude monetary transfers and to decide by qualified majority voting. This sheds new light on the common objection that criticizes voting for its inefficiency. (JEL D71, D72, D82)


Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Gutmann ◽  
Dennis Thompson

Pursuing the common good in a pluralist democracy is not possible without making compromises. Yet the spirit of compromise is in short supply in contemporary American politics. The permanent campaign has made compromise more difficult to achieve, as the uncompromising mindset suitable for campaigning has come to dominate the task of governing. To begin to make compromise more feasible and the common good more attainable, we need to appreciate the distinctive value of compromise and recognize the misconceptions that stand in its way. A common mistake is to assume that compromise requires finding the common ground on which all can agree. That undermines more realistic efforts to seek classic compromises, in which each party gains by sacrificing something valuable to the other, and together they serve the common good by improving upon the status quo. Institutional reforms are desirable, but they, too, cannot get off the ground without the support of leaders and citizens who learn how and when to adopt a compromising mindset.


Author(s):  
Jennifer C. Brookes

Human sensory processes are well understood: hearing, seeing, perhaps even tasting and touch—but we do not understand smell—the elusive sense. That is, for the others we know what stimuli causes what response, and why and how. These fundamental questions are not answered within the sphere of smell science; we do not know what it is about a molecule that … smells. I report, here, the status quo theories for olfaction, highlighting what we do not know, and explaining why dismissing the perception of the input as ‘too subjective’ acts as a roadblock not conducive to scientific inquiry. I outline the current and new theory that conjectures a mechanism for signal transduction based on quantum mechanical phenomena, dubbed the ‘swipe card’, which is perhaps controversial but feasible. I show that such lines of thinking may answer some questions, or at least pose the right questions. Most importantly, I draw links and comparisons as to how better understanding of how small (10’s of atoms) molecules can interact so specially with large (10 000’s of atoms) proteins in a way that is so integral to healthy living. Repercussions of this work are not just important in understanding a basic scientific tool used by us all, but often taken for granted, it is also a step closer to understanding generic mechanisms between drug and receptor, for example.


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