Chains of Persuasion

2018 ◽  
pp. 63-102
Author(s):  
Benjamin R. Hertzberg

This chapter considers the roles that religious arguments may play in democratic deliberation. Attempts to include religion suffer from three problems: religious arguments are not widely persuasive; some religious people are not open to persuasion from those who do not share their religious commitments; and when those people make religious arguments in democratic discussions, they seem to appeal to a double standard—expecting their fellows to listen to them while they ignore others. These problems are a consequence of improperly understanding the nature of deliberation; when deliberation is considered as a systemic practice in democratic societies, it becomes clear that under the right circumstances, religious arguments can contribute to persuasion and religious people can be persuaded. The required condition is that religions allow internal pluralism and loose affiliation within their communities. Democratic citizens can apply this criterion to assess religious political participation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Winckler ◽  
F Zioni ◽  
G Johson

Abstract Background This study aims to analyse the social representations of health needs in a Brazilian municipality, questioning the capacity that public policies developed and implemented by the Brazilian Health System (SUS) had to meet these needs. Methods Qualitative case study in which the data were analysed by: 1) the Health Needs Taxonomy (Matsumoto, 1999), as an instrument for assessing health needs, formatting the interview guide and organizing the empirical data; 2) the Theory of Social Representations (Jovchelovitch, 2000), to capture health needs; 3) Content Analysis (Bardin, 2004), as an instrument of analysis and comparison of perceived needs. The methodological path used was the same in the two moments in which this research is based (2009 and 2016). The entire municipal territory was analyzed and 26 representatives of civil society organizations were interviewed. Results Based on the results given, we state that health is a permanent and timeless need, but the mediations for its satisfaction have changed historically. The interface between quantitative indicators and subjectivity in assessing needs reveals the authoritarian architecture of its decision-making process, which has ruined the necessary democracy for prioritising and meeting those needs. The asymmetrical relationships present in the Brazilian society have both undermined the collective character of health needs and promoted the distance between who care and who are cared for. Most of the priorities listed by the interviewees in 2009 remain composing the social context of the municipality in 2016. Conclusions The challenges for comprehensive health care remain critical given both the decrease in popular political participation and in institutional spaces, which leads to the annulment of the right to a universal health. Interdisciplinary and participatory diagnostics remain essential to understand the complexity of social changes and the challenges for the consolidation of meeting health needs. Key messages The capacity that public policies developed and implemented by the Brazilian Health System (SUS) had to meet these needs. The challenges for meeting health needs remain critical given both the decrease in political participation and in institutional spaces, which leads to the annulment of the right to a universal health.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabienne Peter

In recent developments in political and legal philosophy, there is a tendency to endorse minimalist lists of human rights that do not include a right to political participation. Against such tendencies, I shall argue that the right to political participation, understood as distinct from a right to democracy, should have a place even on minimalist lists. In addition, I shall defend the need to extend the right to political participation to include participation not just in national, but also in international and global governance processes. The argument will be based on a cosmopolitan conception of political legitimacy and on a political conception of human rights that is normatively anchored in legitimacy. The central claim of my paper is that a right to political participation is necessary – but not sufficient – for political legitimacy in the global realm.


Society ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Muhammad Saud ◽  
Rachmah Ida ◽  
Ansar Abbas ◽  
Asia Ashfaq ◽  
Araz Ramazan Ahmad

Digitalization in the modern era has provided opportunities for the youths to participate in this information and social spheres. The concentrated use of social media has contributed to the astonishing factor among the voters where social media has changed the preferences of youths toward the right to vote. The research aims to investigate the contributions and preferences of youths toward political participation in the contemporary discussion in Indonesia. This research was quantitative research using a purposive random sampling technique to give equal opportunity to each respondent. The mode of data collection was an online survey. The majority of the respondents in this research were the student of the universities. Data were collected in April 2019 to examine the interest of youths in general elections in Indonesia. This research found that social media and Social Networking Sites (SNSs) have provided a unique platform to discuss political matters and ‘take apart’ in political discussions. Existing in-depth researches on this phenomenon show that political awareness among youths in Indonesia is an essential part and social media is the leading indicator. This research suggested some recommendations for to usage of social media for the socialization of youths.


Author(s):  
V. Sheinis

The world order based on Yalta and Potsdam decisions as well as on two nuclear superpowers infighting has filed as a history. What is coming up to take its place? A correlation between power and law in international policy, national sovereignty and supranational institutions, territorial integrity of states and the right of nations to self-determination, bloc infighting atavisms, so called "double standard" and international interventions – these are critical debating points that the author develops his own approach to. The role of the U.S. in world policy, and the foreign policy choice of Russia are also examined.


Author(s):  
Muhamad Sayuti Hassan ◽  
Rohaida Nordin

The main objective of this article is to critically evaluate the compatibility of the ‘right to political participation’ of the Orang Asli by looking at international law standards. The present study utilises a qualitative socio-legal approach, which analyses the political participation of the Orang Asli under Malaysian law and determines whether the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (apa) can provide for the protection, well-being, and the advancement of the Orang Asli. Arguably, the existing provisions of the apa are not in conformity with the recognition in undrip and in no way guarantee the Orang Asli’s right to self-determination as recognised by international law. Thus, the current study recommends an amendment to the apa and introduces guidelines to empower political participation of the Orang Asli by incorporating the principles of undrip. The amendment is necessary to ensure that the protection of the right to self-determination of the Orang Asli is compatible with international law standards.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-144
Author(s):  
Daniela Arrese

This article explains the obligations the international legal framework on the rights of indigenous peoples imposes on States regarding the right to political participation, in particular, the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Because of the historical exclusion and marginalization of these groups, mere recognition of the right of participation in domestic legal systems is insufficient to ensure the full enjoyment of the right by indigenous communities. Instead, States are obliged to adopt active measures to overcome the systemic discrimination indigenous peoples have been subject to. This article focuses on one of the many aspects of political participation, i.e., electoral participation. It provides both a typology and a critical account of different mechanisms States use to increase and promote the participation of indigenous peoples in electoral processes, specifically in elections for legislative bodies and in constitution-making processes. These mechanisms include the provision for reserved seats in parliament, the creation of special indigenous electoral districts, and the establishment of special electoral quotas for candidacies presented by political parties. The article argues that the effectiveness of each approach cannot be evaluated in abstracto, but must be assessed against the particular context in which a specific approach is adopted. Most importantly, the success of any specific approach should be measured by the extent to which they allow indigenous communities to have an actual chance at influencing political decision-making, particularly in situations that affect them.


Author(s):  
Nonofo Constance Losike-Sedimo

This chapter presents experiences of an elderly woman living in Africa from a Feminist theoretical perspective. Feminism is a theory that argues that men and women should be treated equally, politically, economically and socially. It includes sensitivity to all sorts of gender biases such as excluding voices of women in life debates. The aim of this chapter is to map the challenges and constraints posed by patriarchal value system, as it relates to the right to reproduction, child rearing practices and legal connotation, the discussion also includes opportunities in socio-cultural, Educational, economic and political participation. These experiences are situated in both public and private life. As the author wrote this narrative of her experiences, she went through major literature sources and could only locate a few relevant sources with similar narrations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136-146
Author(s):  
Tom Ginsburg

This chapter focuses on the abuse of international rights to political participation so as to facilitate a leader's remaining in office beyond the constitutionally mandated term. This involves not only the abuse of the interpretation of rights, but also the abuse of the doctrine of unconstitutional constitutional amendments, which has spread around the world in recent years. How does this happen and what, if anything, can international law do about it? After introducing a motivating case — the famous decision of the Colombian Constitutional Court in the second re-election decision, in which courts stood for the protection of democracy — the chapter examines recent 'bad' cases in which rights and constitutional amendments are abused to extend leaders' terms. It surveys recent developments in the law of term limits, and briefly proposes a normative interpretation of the right to political participation which ought to be consistent with the emerging doctrine. The chapter suggests that there is an emerging consensus, at least in some regions of the world, that there are limits in states' ability to modify term limits unconditionally.


Author(s):  
Rosario García Mahamut

La reforma de la LOREG de 2011 ha modificado sustancialmente las condiciones de ejercicio del derecho de sufragio de los españoles inscritos en el CERA. Ha suprimido la posibilidad de que el elector CERA pueda votar en las elecciones municipales y ha reformado profundamente el procedimiento de votación, amén de instaurar el voto rogado en todas las elecciones. Lejos de facilitar el derecho de participación política la reforma, como ha demostrado la práctica, ha conseguido justo lo contrario. El presente trabajo analiza el nuevo procedimiento de votación a la vez que lo contrasta con datos objetivos —de participación, de solicitudes de votos cursadas, de votos emitidos, de votos que efectivamente han llegado a las Juntas electorales competentes para ser escrutados, etc.— con el objeto de aislar aquellas fases del procedimiento que conviene a todas luces reformar por ley orgánica y detectar aquellos otros aspectos que demandan un completo desarrollo reglamentario. Así mismo se proponen concretas reformas que, a juicio de la autora, incidirán en una mayor eficacia y efectividad del ejercicio del derecho fundamental de la participación política (art. 23 CE) de los españoles en el exterior.The 2011 electoral reform has substantially changed the conditions of exercise of the right of suffrage of the Spaniards registered at the CERA. It has removed the possibility of the CERA elector to vote in local elections and it has deeply reformed the voting procedure, among others news, to establish requested vote in all elections. Far from facilitating the right of political participation, this reform, as demonstrated by the practice, did just the opposite. This article analyzes the new voting procedure and contrasts it with objective data (participation data, studied requests for votes, votes cast, votes that have actually reached the competent electoral boards to be tabulated, etc.— in order to isolate those phases of the procedure which should be clearly reformed by a new Organic Act and detect those other aspects that require a complete legal development. Likewise it has been proposed concrete reforms which, in the opinion of the author, affect greater efficiency and effectiveness in the exercise of the fundamental right of political participation (art. 23 Spanish Constitution) of living abroad Spaniards.


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