Internal Party Democracy in Tanzania

Author(s):  
Edwin Babeiya

This chapter discusses the state of intraparty democracy in Tanzania. It traces the functioning and management of political parties since the country restored plural politics in 1992 by looking at both the ruling party and the opposition. Intraparty democracy is conceived of in this chapter as a key ingredient in ensuring social stability and harmony as well as the development of political parties. The chapter shows that intraparty democracy across all political parties is limited but that the situation is more disappointing in the case of the opposition. Using the two yardsticks of elections and decision-making, it maintains that limited internal party democracy can be attributed to several factors, including the undue influence of party founders, the dysfunctional nature of party structures, and the limited voice that ordinary members have as a result of their persistent disempowerment by senior leadership. Other factors include the influence of clientelistic networks and the weaknesses of oversight bodies and the legal framework. Against this backdrop, the chapter argues that making progress in promoting intraparty democracy would require a number of interventions. Among them are building the capacity of political parties and reviewing the legal framework so as to increase the rights and protection of members. The chapter also recommends actions to ensure greater representation of special groups—such as women and persons with disabilities—in decision-making, and suggests that civic education be provided to ordinary members of political parties to improve their ability to hold leadership to account.

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (Special Issue) ◽  
pp. 159-160
Author(s):  
Matthé Scholten ◽  
◽  
Jakov Gather ◽  
Jochen Vollmann ◽  
◽  
...  

"Background: Supported decision-making (SDM) refers to all types of interventions support persons with impaired decision-making capacity (DMC) in making informed treatment decisions. It encompasses a wide range of interventions, such as enhanced consent procedures, elaborated plain language and involvement of family, friends or peers in the informed consent process. Empirical research showed that SDM can enhance DMC. The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which has been ratified by 180 states parties to date, pronounces in article 12(3) that “states parties shall take appropriate measures to provide access by persons with disabilities to the support they may require in exercising their legal capacity.” At the same time, medical ethicists and legal scholars have raised the concern that persons with impaired DMC are more likely to become subject to undue influence under SDM arrangements. Objectives: The aim of this presentation is to provide a conceptual framework to facilitate an ethical evaluation of various forms of supported decision-making. Methods: Empirically informed conceptual analysis. Various SDM interventions are analyzed. Findings: It is necessary to distinguish between input, process and output support. Input support involves influencing factors that are negatively correlated with DMC; process support involves interpreting a person’s preferences and carrying out intellectual processing; and output support involves enabling a person to communicate decisions to others. Conclusion: Most forms of input and output support are promising, but ethical issues in relation to framing and interpersonal leverage must be addressed. Forms of process support that involve “outsourcing” decision-making capacities are ethically problematic. "


Author(s):  
Zelalem Degifie

Political party funding stands central to the process of democratization, because it affects whether the political playing field is level allowing for electoral competition. However, it can also threaten democracy if party funding regimes allow parties to be captured by private interests or a ruling party abuses its position as the incumbent government to gain access to resources. Adequately regulation is thus required. This chapter examines the interplay of party financing regulation, democracy, and constitutionalism in Ethiopia. Based on the normative framework of political finance in the democratic process, the study finds that badly designed and weakly enforced rules are the main challenges for political finance regulation in Ethiopia to provide a level playing field. The legislative framework and its implementation favours the ruling party, thereby causing a wide discrepancy in financial capacity between the ruling party and opposition parties. Furthermore, political parties are not transparent in their financial matters, as the law requires because the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is reluctant to enforce the rules requiring such. Finally, the chapter recommends political finance reforms in order to level the political playing field and ensure transparency with regard to the funding of political parties. In this regard, diversified sources of income that combine regulated private donations with regular public funding should be introduced. Finally, the chapter suggests restrictions on the size of financial contributions and also imposing spending ceilings. A reformed legal framework would require, however, that the NEBE enforce it in a rigorously and non-discriminatory manner.


Author(s):  
AbdulGafar Olawale Fahm

Women’s participation in party politics in Nigeria has been largely marginal. This has led to the clamour for more involvement of women in political decisions and increased presence in political sphere. The objective of this paper is to examine the participation of Muslim women in the Nigerian party politics. Muslim women have made significant contributions in Nigerian society through their efforts in educational, economic, health, and humanitarian services i.e. playing a social responsibility role. Descriptive and analytical methods were adopted for this purpose. The study revealed that the involvement of Muslim women in party politics in Nigeria was impeded by cultural and religious bottlenecks and not lack of participation. It concluded that emphasis should be placed on the complementarity roles between men and women in order to suppress the intolerance often encounter by Muslim women in Nigeria party politics. Hence, there is a need for the existing political parties and most especially the ruling party to take advantage of the complementary differences in order to create balance in political decision-making.


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


Disabilities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 202-217
Author(s):  
Joanne McVeigh ◽  
Malcolm MacLachlan ◽  
Delia Ferri ◽  
Hasheem Mannan

The participation of organisations of persons with disabilities (OPDs) is crucial at each stage of policy processes at the local, regional, and international levels. However, decision-making mechanisms have traditionally excluded OPDs, failing to consult with them on decisions that impact on their daily lives. The overall aim of this study was to examine the participation of persons with disabilities and OPDs in development programmes and policies by exploring recommendations from a sample of OPDs on ways to strengthen their participation with government and the UN. Secondary data analysis was conducted using a global survey on the participation of OPDs, administered by the International Disability Alliance to OPD representatives. Two open-ended items were analysed, which explored participants’ recommendations on ways to strengthen their participation with government and the UN. Data were analysed using the descriptive and interpretive qualitative methods. Respondents provided recommendations on how to strengthen their participation with their national government and the UN, focusing on several issues including accessibility, human rights, and the need for inclusion of all OPDs and all groups of persons with disabilities. The synergy between the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the Sustainable Development Goals presents opportunities for OPDs to increase their participation in development policies and programmes. It is vital, however, to dismantle the barriers to participation in decision-making by OPDs and persons with disabilities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-46
Author(s):  
Katherina A. Payne ◽  
Jennifer Keys Adair ◽  
Kiyomi Sanchez Suzuki Colegrove ◽  
Sunmin Lee ◽  
Anna Falkner ◽  
...  

Traditional conceptions of civic education for young children in the United States tend to focus on student acquisition of patriotic knowledge, that is, identifying flags and leaders, and practicing basic civic skills like voting as decision-making. The Civic Action and Young Children study sought to look beyond this narrow vision of civic education by observing, documenting, and contextualizing how young children acted on behalf of and with other people in their everyday early childhood settings. In the following paper, we offer examples from three Head Start classrooms to demonstrate multiple ways that young children act civically in everyday ways. When classrooms and teachers afford young children more agency, children’s civic capabilities expand, and they are able to act on behalf of and with their community. Rather than teaching children about democracy and citizenship, we argue for an embodied, lived experience for young children.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher James Ryan ◽  
Sascha Callaghan

Objectives: The Mental Health Act 2007 (NSW) ( MHA) was recently reformed in light of the recovery movement and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. We analyse the changes and describe the impact that these reforms should have upon clinical practice. Conclusions: The principles of care and treatment added to the MHA place a strong onus on clinicians to monitor patients’ decision-making capacity, institute a supported decision-making model and obtain consent to any treatment proposed. Patients competently refusing treatment should only be subject to involuntary treatment in extraordinary circumstances. Even when patients incompetently refuse treatment, clinicians must make every effort reasonably practicable to tailor management plans to take account of any views and preferences expressed by them or made known via friends, family or advance statements.


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