The Consumer Movement

2021 ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Mark H. Lytle

The chapter opener follows the efforts of Senator Gaylord Nelson to advance an environmental agenda. Such events as the Santa Barbara oil spill and Cuyahoga River fire were symbols of manmade environmental disruptions. Nelson inspired Earth Day as a way to engage public opinion. Many on the New Left and the environmental movement now saw consumerism as the source of dirty air and water, toxic fumes, poisoned foods, and littered landscapes. That was a point of view Ralph Nader shared. No book on consumerism could ignore Nader’s role in the rise of the consumer rights movement in the 1960s. This section looks at Nader’s background and the controversy he triggered when he published Unsafe at Any Speed, as well as his commitment to wide-ranging consumer rights and environmental projects. The following section looks at “hip consumerism” to show how the counterculture influenced personal styles and gender identities. It features Stewart Brand, who with Ken Kesey launched the “Trips Festival” in San Francisco and then went on to produce the bible of alternative consumption, The Whole Earth Catalog.

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Dinh

Since the emergence of ̳new left‘, bottom up approach to history in the 1960s and 1970s, women‘s and gender history has become a rich field for historians. Ethnic and immigrant women‘s history, as part of this larger movement, has seen its own fair share of growth. This paper examines the emergence of racialized women‘s history in Canada and analyzes the increasingly inclusive and complex integration of this field through the works of notable authors in recent decades.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Olive Mckeon

While choreographer Anna Halprin’s work has been characterized as embodying the cultural ethos of the New Left, it is also aligned with the race and class interests that spearheaded urban renewal in San Francisco. Contextualizing Halprin’s Parades and Changes in relation to political and economic developments during the 1960s suggests the work’s contradictory affiliation with both an urban elite and utopian countercultures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa J. Hackett

Pin Up style has made a comeback with dozens of pin up competitions featuring at retro car festivals and events across Australia. A sub-culture has grown up around this phenomenon, with boutiques, celebrities and online influencers celebrating its aesthetic. I refer to this group as ‘neo-pin ups’ to differentiate them from the pin ups of the mid-twentieth century. Despite heralding the style and beauty of 1940s and 1950s pin ups, these neo-pin ups bear little resemblance to their mid-century counterparts. Researchers such as Madeleine Hamilton have investigated the era of the original Australian 1940s and 1950s pin up, finding an image deemed to be both ‘wholesome’ and ‘patriotic’ and suitable for the troops on the front lines. Ironically, this social approval resulted in pin up evolving in a more explicit direction throughout the 1960s as epitomized by Playboy magazine and the Miss World competitions. During this time, the increasingly influential feminist movement challenged the way women were viewed in society, particularly in regard to objectification and the male gaze. This critique continues today with the #metoo and gender equality movements. This article investigates how and why Australian women are transforming the image of the 1940s and 1950s pin up. Drawing upon interviews and observations conducted within the Australian neo-pin up culture, this article demonstrates how neo-pin ups draw on contemporary mores, rejecting the social values of their mid-century counterparts and reclaiming women’s place in society and history, from a female point of view. Neo-pin ups are not looking to return to the past, instead they are rewriting what pin ups represent to the present and future.


Arts ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ferran de Vargas

Starting from the perspective that national cinema is not a neutral concept, but rather a film expression with ideological implications, in this article I will argue that what should be analysed in films is not what connects them to certain nations, but with certain ideologies. Rather than claiming the national nature of a film, it is more accurate to identify for instance elements of a national ideology underlying the film. It can be more enriching to analyse different film trends that are based on their connections with different ideologies, thus stressing their political nature, and then highlighting cultural or geographical features in order to determine the supposedly natural outline of national cinemas. From this point of view, I consider the Japanese New Wave cinema of the 1960s and early 1970s to be a reflection of Japan’s coetaneous New Left ideology. In order to illustrate this political reading of the Japanese New Wave, I focus on the analysis of a paradigmatic film: Eros + Massacre (Erosu purasu Gyakusatsu 1969), directed by Yoshida Kijū.


2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Landman

Julian M�ller has envisioned the praxis of theology, from a postfoundational point of view,to develop in two movements: engagement in a community that leads to �real contextualoutcomes� and the establishment of new traditions as deconstructed discourses that movebeyond single communities. This article assesses the Churches, Channels of Hope (CCoH)training of the Christian AIDS Bureau for Southern Africa (CABSA) in terms of the two criterialaid down by M�ller. Firstly, do they successfully train their facilitators to skilfully empowertheir faith communities to become competent in dealing with people living with HIV? Inother words, does the CCoH training lead to �real contextual outcomes�? Secondly, are thedeconstructed social discourses put in place by the CCoH training that focus on the �new�Christian values of human worthiness and agency able to constitute a contra-culture that willmove beyond the boundaries of specific contexts? After the CCoH facilitator�s manual and areport on the facilitators� reaction to the training course have been studied, it was found thatthe CCoH training embodies �HIV competency� in practices and discourses that can indeedbe called �contextual� as well as �contra-cultural� although they lack some much-needed skillsin reading the Bible from a non-fundamentalist point of view and conducting their impactstudies in a more sophisticated and non-reductionist way.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The article wants to make acontribution to HIV discoursing over a wide range of disciplines. The lifestyle changes andspiritual healing of the CCoH training that is assessed here inform the fields of counselling,life skills, law and gender. The proposed contra-culture and alternative discourses at staketouch on the fields of primary, secondary and, indeed, tertiary education.


Author(s):  
Mugambi Jouet

Americans are far more divided than other Westerners over basic issues, including wealth inequality, health care, climate change, evolution, the literal truth of the Bible, apocalyptical prophecies, gender roles, abortion, gay rights, sexual education, gun control, mass incarceration, the death penalty, torture, human rights, and war. The intense polarization of U.S. conservatives and liberals has become a key dimension of American exceptionalism—an idea widely misunderstood as American superiority. It is rather what makes America an exception, for better or worse. While exceptionalism once was largely a source of strength, it may now spell decline, as unique features of U.S. history, politics, law, culture, religion, and race relations foster grave conflicts and injustices. They also shed light on the peculiar ideological evolution of American conservatism, which long predated Trumpism. Anti-intellectualism, conspiracy-mongering, radical anti-governmentalism, and Christian fundamentalism are far more common in America than Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Drawing inspiration from Alexis de Tocqueville, Mugambi Jouet explores American exceptionalism’s intriguing roots as a multicultural outsider-insider. Raised in Paris by a French mother and Kenyan father, he then lived throughout America, from the Bible Belt to New York, California, and beyond. His articles have notably been featured in The New Republic, Slate, The San Francisco Chronicle, The Huffington Post, and Le Monde. He teaches at Stanford Law School.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina A. LOBANOVA

This article studies the cognitive features of the “power” frame and its gender implementation in the historical tragedy by W. Shakespeare “Macbeth”. Here, the author examines the concepts of “frame” and “gender” in linguistics, studying different approaches to their definition. The relevance of this work is determined by the close attention of the contemporary linguistics to these concepts, as well as their place in the contemporary academic paradigm. The academic affirmation of the “frame” and “gender” concepts designates a new step in understanding the ways and peculiarities of the language interaction, consciousness, and culture, and, consequently, it shows new aspects of the relationship of linguistics with other sciences. Nevertheless, the problems of both frame and gender are not yet fully understood. This study allows describing in detail the essence of the frame “power” and showing its meaning, use, and ways of its gender implementation in fiction, which explains the novelty of this article. The study’s methodology is based on the cognitive-discursive analysis of the text, as well as on an integrative approach to the discourse study, which combines methods of both cognitive and gender linguistics, as well as the discourse analysis. Common research methods were used along with private linguistic methods. The application of cognitive-discursive analysis has significantly increased the depth of understanding of the “power” frame that dominates Shakespeare’s historical tragedy. This historical text presents the central theme of political tragedy: the overthrow of the rightful ruler and the usurpation of power. The motive for the seizure of power forms a thematic core and is presented from the usurpers’ point of view. In this article, the author observes the gender shift and duality of the female and male beginnings: Shakespeare puts the female protagonist, hungry for power, among men, thus the images of Lady Macbeth and her husband come into conflict with the gender characteristics attributed to them. The play clearly traces the main idea of Machiavellianism: the goal justifies the means. The results conclude that the “power” frame is the leading one in Lady Macbeth’s monologue, thus setting one of the main themes of this tragedy.


Author(s):  
Gillis J. Harp

Protestant beliefs have made several significant contributions to conservatism, both in the more abstract realm of ideas and in the arena of political positions or practical policies. First, they have sacralized the established social order, valued and defended customary hierarchies; they have discouraged revolt or rebellion; they have prompted Protestants to view the state as an active moral agent of divine origin; and they have stressed the importance of community life and mediating institutions such as the family and the church and occasionally provided a modest check on an individualistic and competitive impulse. Second, certain shared tenets facilitated this conjunction of Protestantism and conservatism, most often when substantial change loomed. For example, common concerns of the two dovetailed when revivals challenged the religious status quo during the colonial Great Awakening, when secession and rebellion threatened federal authority during the Civil War, when a new type of conservatism emerged, and dismissed the older sort as paternalistic, when the Great Depression opened the door to a more intrusive state, when atheist communism challenged American individualism, and, finally, when the cultural changes of the 1960s undermined traditional notions of the family and gender roles. Third, certain Christian ideas and assumptions have, at their best, served to heighten or ennoble conservative discourse, sometimes raising it above merely partisan or pragmatic concerns. Protestantism added a moral and religious weight to conservative beliefs and helped soften the harshness of an acquisitive, sometimes cutthroat, economic order.


Author(s):  
Gerald O. West

Liberation biblical interpretation and postcolonial biblical interpretation have a long history of mutual constitution. This essay analyzes a particular context in which these discourses and their praxis have forged a third conversation partner: decolonial biblical interpretation. African and specifically South African biblical hermeneutics are the focus of reflections in this essay. The South African postcolony is a “special type” of postcolony, as the South African Communist Party argued in the 1960s. The essay charts the characteristics of the South African postcolony and locates decolonial biblical interpretation within the intersections of these features. Race, culture, land, economics, and the Bible are forged in new ways by contemporary social movements, such as #FeesMustFall. South African biblical studies continues to draw deeply on the legacy of South African black theology, thus reimagining African biblical studies as decolonial African biblical studies—a hybrid of African liberation and African postcolonial biblical interpretation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 488-495
Author(s):  
Cláudia Martins ◽  
Sérgio Ferreira

AbstractThe linguistic rights of Mirandese were enshrined in Portugal in 1999, though its “discovery” dates back to the very end of the 19th century at the hands of Leite de Vasconcellos. For centuries, it was the first or only language spoken by people living in the northeast of Portugal, particularly the district of Miranda do Douro. As a minority language, it has always moved among three dimensions. On the one hand, the need to assert and defend this language and have it acknowledged by the country, which proudly believe(d) in their monolingual history. Unavoidably, this has ensued the action of translation, especially active from the mid of the 20th century onwards, with an emphasis on the translation of the Bible and Portuguese canonical literature, as well as other renowned literary forms (e.g. The Adventures of Asterix). Finally, the third axis lies in migration, either within Portugal or abroad. Between the 1950s and the 1960s, Mirandese people were forced to leave Miranda do Douro and villages in the outskirts in the thousands. They fled not only due to the deeply entrenched poverty, but also the almost complete absence of future prospects, enhanced by the fact that they were regarded as not speaking “good” Portuguese, but rather a “charra” language, and as ignorant backward people. This period coincided with the building of dams on the river Douro and the cultural and linguistic shock that stemmed from this forceful contact, which exacerbated their sense of not belonging and of social shame. Bearing all this in mind, we seek to approach the role that migration played not only in the assertion of Mirandese as a language in its own right, but also in the empowerment of new generations of Mirandese people, highly qualified and politically engaged in the defence of this minority language, some of whom were former migrants. Thus, we aim to depict Mirandese’s political situation before and after the endorsement of the Portuguese Law no. 7/99.


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