scholarly journals Power, government, and political life

2021 ◽  
pp. 19-41
Author(s):  
John Watts

The chapter offers a survey of the central features of later medieval political life. It was often bloody, but the resort to bloodshed was politically purposeful, and the focus on individuals reflected the parts they played in larger frameworks of power. Those frameworks were both ‘private’ and ‘public’—they were followings of men and women, linked together in relationships of marriage, service, or friendship for mutual advantage; but they also involved the performance of official roles, the negotiation of public business, the management of institutions. The frameworks of power were national, international, and ‘transnational’. Europe was divided into self-conscious political spaces, each with a measure of sovereignty and identity, but these spaces also overlapped and, within virtually any political setting, authority was contestable: it involved a complicated mixture of relationships among elites and much wider movements, voiced and promoted by representative assemblies and popular revolts.

Author(s):  
Lee Skinner

Gender and the Rhetoric of Modernity in Spanish America, 1850–1910, proposes that in the nineteenth century, discourses of modernity shaped ideas about gender and especially about the status of women in private and public life at the same time as those concepts of the modern were themselves formed in the Spanish American context by both received and newly-emerging notions of gender roles held by Spanish American intellectuals. Men and women took advantage of the rhetoric of modernity in order to attach their own agendas to those discourses about modernity. The book asserts that the rhetorical nature itself of modernity in Spanish America allowed intellectuals to connect these differing, even contradictory, interpretations to it. Writers used the rhetoric of modernity as they advanced their own agendas and shaped the rhetoric of modernity as a utopian projection of the national future, further allowing them to imagine a nation that included women at all levels of social and even political life. In so doing, they established discursive modalities that competed with other nation-building discourses and that placed gender as a central, ongoing concern at all levels of society. The book looks at public and private space; domesticity; education; and technology and work in nineteenth-century Spanish America and conveys a full understanding of the ways that gender roles were conjoined with the processes of modernization and national consolidation and includes texts by men and women that range from novels and essays to newspaper articles and advertisements, selected from multiple countries, and placed into their socio-cultural contexts.


Janus Head ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Jérôme Melançon ◽  
Veronika Reichert ◽  

Contemporary democratic theory, in its focus on the distinction between a private and a public sphere, tends to exclude emotions from political life. Arendt, Habermas, and Angus present critical theories of politi­cal action and deliberation that demand that emotions be left behind in favour of a narrower rationality. On the basis of a first step toward incorporating emotions into political life as accomplished by Martha Nussbaum – despite its limitations – and of a second step taken by Sara Ahmed, an outline of a theory of emotions becomes possible, and brings into question the distinction between private and public life. Emotions act as motivations that accompany every instance of participation or for non-participation, be it because of apathy or of disengagement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers

Abstract Aristotle claims that the citizens of the best city should be both intelligent and spirited at Politics VII.7 1327b19-38. While he treats intelligence as an unqualified good, thumos (‘spirit’) is valuable but problematic. This paper has two aims: (i) to consider the political value of spirit in Aristotle’s Politics and in particular to identify the ways in which it is both essential to political excellence and yet insufficient for securing it, and (ii) to use this analysis of the role of spirit in the political realm to explain Aristotle’s exclusion of women from political authority, even in the context of the household. I analyze spirit as a physical phenomenon and as a type of desire, before considering its moral and affective aspects. I then return to the role of spirit in political life and examine its importance for the activity of ruling. In the last section I consider the implications of this analysis of spirit for the social and political roles Aristotle assigns to men and women.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Ginn

Debate on pension privatisation in Europe has provided useful insights into the diversity of European pension systems in terms of ideological orientation, design features and reform paths followed. However, the gender dimension has often been neglected. Thus a recent analysis states that, depending on predominant social values, pension privatisation may be ‘consistent with the notion of collective responsibility for needs-satisfaction’ (Hyde et al., 2003: 189). Yet the unequal effects of privatisation on men and women are ignored. This article argues that, despite considerable variation among countries in the nature of their private pension schemes, the latter share a failure to incorporate allowances for periods of unpaid caring work over the lifecourse. Comparison of the needs-satisfying capacity of private and public pensions must take account of the situation of those who raise the next generation of producers and taxpayers.


Author(s):  
Gani Shikhvalievich KAYMARAZOV ◽  
Leyla Ganievna KAYMARAZOVA

In the article the activity of the Soviet state for involving women of Daghestan in public and political life in the beginning of 1930s is briefly shown with the usage of new reliable and actual documents and modern historiographic materials. Through the prism of social history, the complex process of creating economic, political, legal and cultural conditions for the formation of factual equality of men and women in multinational traditional region, where Islam was one of the influential factors of spiritual life, was examined.


1999 ◽  
pp. 310-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Urry

Across much of the globe over the past decade two of the most powerful organising processes have been those of citizenship' and globalisation'. They have swept much else before them, reconstituting social and political life. In the case of citizenship, movements to demand rights of national citi-zenship have been enormously powerful in one continent after another. This demand for the rights of the citizen, and for the institutions of civil society, occurred most strikingly within former Eastern Europe. 1989 in many ways represents the year of the citizen, falling, as it does, some two hundred years after the subjects of Paris took to the streets in 1789, demanding themselves to be citizens (see Murdock 1992). Garton Ash argues that during the 1980s, across many diverse societies, people: 'wanted to be citizens, individual men and women with dignity and responsibility, with rights but also with duties, freely associating in civil society' (1990: 148).


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-173
Author(s):  
Beata Mackiewicz

Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński in his Primatial teaching was often returning to the issue of the female world. This issue was discussed against changing socioeconomic conditions. He did not remain, however, at the level of analysis, but entrusted women with specific tasks. He strongly emphasised the role of women, their tasks in a family, professional, social and even in political life. He entrusted this social group with keeping guard over the fulfilment of Jasna Góra (Eng. Luminous Mount) Vows of the Polish Nation from 1956. Thereby, he called women to defend life, accept life, to realise their main vocation – maternity. He stated that the future of nation is largely dependent on women, on the way of educating a young generation, transferred values. He also called women to fight for sobriety of their families, for order in these families. He thought that women should be involved in social and political life, although simultaneously he warned against dangers, which they have to wisely omit. Being aware of these dangers, Primate Wyszyński was looking for a role model, which would be worth imitating. He was portraying Mary, Virgin and Mother, Her cooperation with Jesus to them. He stated that the contemporary world also needs a harmonious cooperation of men and women.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Galyna Utkina ◽  
◽  
Tetiana Datsiuk ◽  

The authors note the existence of significant changes in the legal field of Ukraine on gender equality, awareness of the majority of the society of the importance of this issue for achieving equal opportunities and realization of women in the field of career and socio-political life. It is proved that the state pays more and more attention to specific mechanisms of gender transformation and takes into account international agreements signed and ratified by Ukraine. It is becaming a part of the world gender technologies. The state recognizes the main directions of gender democracy, restrictions which are based on the grounds of sex and aimed at the weakening, recognition, usage or exercising by women on the basis of equality between men and women, human rights and fundamental freedoms in political, economic, cultural, social or any other field of activity. The article concetrates on the imbalance between the awareness and the real state of gender issues in the labour market, wages and participation in politics. It is concluded that the most perfect laws and decisions of the Government will not be effective without overcoming the existing low level of gender culture in the society, creation of a sufficient information and consultation network in all regions of the country on implementation of equal opportunities of policy for men and women, introduction of equal treatment and equal opportunities for women and men in public policy in the field of labor, social policy, economic policy in order to prevent occupational segregation, eliminate inequality in wages, stimulate the growth of women's entrepreneurship, as well as to assess women's work; cooperation and interaction of various public administration bodies in the implementation of the principle of equal treatment and equal opportunities for women and men; balanced representation of women and men in the lists of candidates in elections and decision-making, improving the actual situation through the implementation of effective and concrete decisions and strategies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chukwuma Anyanwu ◽  
Bifatife Olufemi Adeseye

Nollywood, the adopted name of the Nigerian Film Industry, can be argued, would not have been but for Igbo movie makers and business men and women. This is not a mean contribution to the economic, social and political life of the nation. But how much and to what extent has the industry been utilized by the film makers to uphold the integrity, culture, language and overall image of the Igbo nation? This paper tries to examine how the Igbo movie has been used or not used to rebrand the Igbo ways of life. How it has fared in the hands of the people, the makers and viewers and how it has treated the issues dear to the people, such as culture, language and identity. How far has the Igbo video film been faithful to, projected, or tried to preserve these ways of life of the Igbo people? The movie has become one of the major items on the people’s daily conversation menu and as such, cannot be ignored except by the most backward of people. This is why this paper sets out to examine ways via which the medium can be utilized to appeal more to the people, make their culture more relevant and create avenues for its projection and preservation.


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