Tristram Shandy and the Divided Worlds of Politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 88-122
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard

This chapter examines the extent to which The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman by Laurence Sterne engaged with politics. Beginning with Sterne’s fleeting involvement in Whig political journalism, the chapter shows how these early experiences as a writer coincided with dramatic changes to the organization of partisanship and the emergence of cynicism towards the political establishment as such. Tristram Shandy took shape, the chapter goes on to show, in relation both to the changing parameters of political activity and to a growing impulse to escape from politics altogether. Taking cues from a Dublin-published pamphlet that imagined Tristram entering into the fray of political activity, the chapter brings into focus the diverse political trajectories that Sterne incorporated into his fiction—and the ways they were subsequently closed down or rerouted by the ongoing composition and reception of his works and with the onset of his sentimental reputation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola


Author(s):  
James Chandler

This chapter focuses on the novelty of Laurence Sterne. Sterne's early writings consisted mainly of sermons. He won both immediate celebrity and lasting literary fame, however, with two works that he produced in the final decade of his life: Tristram Shandy, serialized in nine volumes from 1759 to 1767, and the unfinished sequel, A Sentimental Journey, published just three weeks before his death in 1768. These two books earned Sterne high praise even from tough critics. The novelty and originality of Sterne's work was widely acknowledged in an age caught up in praise for the novel and original. Tristram Shandy’s style, mode, characters, and trope became regular features of the literary landscape in Britain, Ireland, America, and even the Continent. Meanwhile, the unfinished sequel effectively created a new subgenre in fiction. Through the Modernist period, indeed, Sterne's work was recognized as a literary-historical touchstone and a provocation to innovate.


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman F. Duffy

The use of compulsory arbitration for the determination of the conditions of employment has a long history in Australia. This paper covers the events leading up to the introduction of legislation for conciliation and for the compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes in Western Australia. After two bruising strikes and the experience of successful voluntary arbitration, the union movement came to the view that compulsory arbitration would be to their advantage. The development of political links between the unions and some members of the Legislative Assembly, coupled with certain fortuitous circumstances in the Parliament, resulted in arbitration legislation being passed in 1900—despite the dominance of the political scene by conservative forces and the opposition of the employers. Early experiences with the legislation showed that conciliation was not successful when arbitration was readily available and that the Act was not the answer to all the problems of the trade union movement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
M. Kh. Abdullaev

The article is devoted to an actual interdisciplinary problem at the intersection of political science and religious studies – the discourse of the political in religion, the politicization of religion, the artificial transfer of purely spiritual values, phenomena and categories into the political field in order to use religion for political purposes. The author considers the problem from two angles: (1) the politicization of religion for mercenary purposes and (2) the clergy’s political activity based on a deliberately politicized religious teaching that has a strong political platform (ideology) at its core. This study is purely theoretical, and nevertheless the author undertakes a number of empirical digressions in order to demonstrate how the politicization of religion manifests itself in the socio-political sphere of human life. Thus, the main problem of the study should be designated as a theoretical understanding and disclosure of the practical significance (i.e., risks and effects) of the religion politicization’s negativity and how it could effect on religious groups. The article identifies the objective factors of the mutual influence of religion and politics, the presence of strong political origins in a number of creeds, and the rich historical experience of the political role of faith in society.


Author(s):  
E. A. Eliseeva ◽  
◽  
A. A. Nechkina ◽  
R. Yu. Zulуar ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes a protest activity as one of the areas of political activity of young people in modern Russian society. The purpose of the study is to explore the attitude towards the opposition and the oppositional potential of the youth of the Irkutsk region. The authors revealed that the portrait of an average young man in the Irkutsk region (in terms of his attitude to the opposition and protest potential) is as follows: he or she is a person who latently criticizes the authorities and expects changes, but whose political activity is below the average level.


Author(s):  
María Djurdjevic

El artículo aborda la revolucionaria lectura de la novela Tristram Shandy (1767) de L. Sterne por los formalistas rusos (Shklovski), que subrayó la importancia de los aspectos formal y paródico de esa obra, calificada también como la primera novela postmoderna. No obstante, la parodia como herramienta de reflexión metaliteraria está en uso desde la antigüedad griega. Se aborda paralelamente el hito principal de la teoría literaria y cultural rusa –la reconexión con la tradición filosófica premoderna– que ilustra que toda labor hermenéutica depende de las normas estéticas de la tradición cultural desde la cual se estudia.The article tackles a revolutionary reading of the Laurence Sterne’s novel Tristram Shandy (1767) by Russian Formalism (V. Shklovsky, 1921), focused on the importance of its formal and parodic aspects. The novel has also been assessed as the first postmodern novel in history. But the parody is being used as a tool for metaliterary thinking from the times of the Ancient Greece. Thus, this text also tackles the principal milestone of the Russian Literature and Cultural Theory –its reconnecting with the pre- Modern philosophical tradition– illustrating how our hermeneutic work depends on the aesthetic norms of the cultural tradition we belong to.


Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.


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