scholarly journals Legitimacy from above: the partisan foundations of support for the political system in democracies

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Anderson ◽  
Aida Just
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Goal Orientations ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
The Status ◽  
Levels Of Support

We investigate the partisan foundations of political legitimacy. We argue that the goals parties pursue shape their supporters’ views about the political system via the messages they communicate about the desirability of the political system. Combining public opinion survey data collected in 15 democracies with data on the goal orientations and policy positions of 116 political parties, we find that office-seeking parties take more positive positions toward the status quo of the political regime than policy-seeking parties. Moreover, we find that these positions have consequences. Specifically, supporters of parties with more positive positions toward the system report systematically higher levels of support than supporters of parties that communicate more negative views. Taken together, these findings suggest that political parties play an active role in shaping citizens’ views of the political system and that office-seeking parties in particular mobilize consent among citizens in contemporary democracies.

scholarly journals TURKEY: TURN TO THE EAST

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-196
Author(s):  
V. A. AVATKOV
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Modern Turkey

The political regime of the Republic of Turkey created by Ataturk  have always combines two mutually exclusive principles of Islam and  western democracy. Fro a long period of time in its foreign  policy Ankara has been foolowing the west-oriented vector. Since  1952 Turkey has been the member of NATO and at the end of the  20th century made a strong application to become the member of the European Union. At the beginning of the 21st century pro- Western politics began to enter an increasingly obvious impasse.  Tukrey didn’t want to continue being a U.S. agent in the Middle East. However an attempt to play an active role in the region  led Turkey to almost complete international isolation. The  country was not ready a complete break in relations with influential Western allies. The loss of the status of an American agent would inevitably lead to a reduction of Turkey’s military-technical capabilities, and,  consequently, of the political influence that it was achieved in  cooperation with its Western patrons. The author comes to the  concludes that modern Turkey resembles a power which has not  determined its foreign policy priorities. It continues to pursue a  sufficiently risky policy of maneuvering between regional and global players.

What Changes for the Constitutional Court with the New Russian Constitution?

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Grigoriev
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Locus Standi ◽  
The Status ◽  
Russian Constitution ◽  
International Obligations

Abstract Of the 206 amendments introduced to the Russian constitution and adopted on July 1, 2020, 24 deal directly with the Constitutional Court, its organization, functioning, and the role it plays in the political system. Compared to many other, these are also rather precise and detailed, ranging from the number of judges on the bench, their nomination and dismissal, to the Court’s inner procedures, new locus standi limitations, and the primacy of the Constitution over Russia’s international obligations. Most changes only reproduce amendments brought to the secondary legislation over the last twenty years, and are therefore meant to preserve the status quo rather than change anything significantly. At the same time, a number of amendments aim at politicizing and instrumentalizing the Court for the president’s benefit, marking a significant departure from the previous institutional development.

Romania thirty years later: from a totalitarian dictatorship to a deep state?

2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
Deep State

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Literary Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Disaffection ◽  
Opening Section

Disaffected Parties offers a prehistory for modern political disaffection that underscores literature’s importance as a means of thinking about a diverse array of relationships with politics, in this period and beyond. The Introduction lays out some of the historical frameworks and changing conceptions of politics—including the understandings of disaffection and the expanded conception of political parties—employed in the book, while also looking to the wider questions posed by the disaffected stance and its bearing on the status of the literary. The opening section explores the political valences of disaffection from the mid-seventeenth century down to the present, employing the term’s historical and conceptual proximity to terms including disinterest, dissent, and indifference to reflect on the prospect of a literature of disaffection (defined by its aspiration to absolute withdrawal and disinterest, but also animated by disavowed investments). The Introduction goes on to explain the historical rationale for the book and to outline the book’s approach to literary form.

Conclusion – Long Live the Revolution?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phill Wilcox
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Flash Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter argues that while the political system in Laos has shown resilience and an ability to reinvent itself as necessary, it is not entirely unassailable. Even in authoritarian systems, legitimacy remains important. It suggests that if there is to be a flash point over legitimacy, that may come with rising inequality and particularly, as the rise of Chinese influence continues. It concludes by suggesting that as long as a sense of Laoness remains, the political system may remain in place as the authorities present themselves as the guardians of Lao culture and identity. Should that become threatened, questions of political legitimacy will reopen. It includes a final paragraph questioning how the Covid-19 situation will impact Laos.

scholarly journals Power, Patronage, and the Candidate-nomination Process: Observations from Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
General Acceptance ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.

Enquête sur le rapport des journalistes à la démocratie : le rôle de médiateur en question

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-710 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Gingras
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
Liberal Societies ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media ◽  
Selection Of

Résumé.Dans ce texte, nous tentons d'évaluer le rôle sociopolitique des journalistes en posant les éléments fondamentaux d'une conceptualisation du rôle des médias en démocratie et en analysant les résultats d'une recherche empirique sur l'engagement des journalistes envers la démocratie menée de l'été 2008 au printemps 2010. Notre étude prend appui sur la dichotomie entre un rôle actif des médias et un rôle instrumental face au système politique, dichotomie que nous faisons porter sur les journalistes. Nous prétendons que les médias et les journalistes jouent le rôle de « médiateurs » dans les sociétés libérales, c'est-à-dire d'agents individuels ou collectifs par qui transitent des messages explicites ou implicites; ces agents ajoutent une couche de sens par diverses méthodes dont la sélection des nouvelles, la hiérarchisation des sujets ou le cadrage de personnes ou d'événements.Abstract.This paper aims to assess the sociopolitical role of journalists through a conceptual approach linking media and democracy and through an analysis of the data resulting from an investigation of journalists' commitment to democracy that was conducted from the summer of 2008 to the spring of 2010. Our study is founded on the dichotomy between an active role for the media and an instrumental one in the face of the political system, and this dichotomy is applied to journalists. We believe that the media and journalists function as “mediators” in liberal societies, that is, as individual or collective agents through whom explicit or implicit messages pass; these agents add a layer of signification by diverse methods, among which are the selection of news, the categorization of issues or the framing of individuals or events.

Transmitting Ideology

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
English Language ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
The Media ◽  
Special Provision

Ideology is transmitted to citizens through multiple pathways, each of which provide heuristic cues to ordinary voters. Citizens form their political views through the efforts of political parties and the political elite; their socialization, especially the kind of education they receive; the media; and through their activities in the social organization including religious associations. In India, those who are more religiously active, get their news from local and vernacular media, and do not speak English language are less likely to support either an active role for the state in transforming social norms or making special provision for some groups. Indians who are members of civil society, consume English-language media, and speak English are more likely to favor statism and recognition.

Reasonableness as a virtue of citizenship and the opacity respect requirement

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (8) ◽  
pp. 901-921 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Liveriero
Keyword(s):  
General Framework ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recognition Respect ◽  
Deep Disagreement ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Ideal ◽  
Liberal Citizenship ◽  
Normative Relation ◽  
Epistemic Modesty

This article defends a specific account of reasonableness as a virtue of liberal citizenship. I specify an account of reasonableness that I argue is more consistent with the phenomenology of intersubjective exchanges among citizens over political matters in contexts of deep disagreement. My reading requires reasonable citizens to undertake an attitude of epistemic modesty while deliberating public matters with agents who hold views different from theirs. In contrast with my view, I debate Martha Nussbaum’s and Steven Wall’s accounts of reasonableness and specify why I believe that these proposals, although interesting, both require revisions. Distinguishing my account from theirs, I specify the normative relation between reasonableness and a general framework of political legitimacy that identifies citizens as ‘co-authors of democratic decisions’. Here, I argue that the liberal ideal of ascribing to each member of the constituency the status of putative epistemic authority can be properly fulfilled if coupled with a correct specification of the political ideal of mutual respect. I conclude claiming that opacity respect, a notion of respect according to which the recognition respect that is owed to individuals is expressed by the idea that we have to treat them as ‘opaque’, is the most adequate concept of political respect when dealing with interpersonal deliberations at political level in contexts of deep disagreement.

Police Misconduct and Political Legitimacy in Central America

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOSÉ MIGUEL CRUZ
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Police Misconduct ◽  
Police Corruption ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Public Collaboration

AbstractWhat is the political impact of police corruption and abuse? From the literature, we know that police misconduct destroys people's confidence in police forces and hampers public collaboration with the criminal-justice system; but, what about the political regime, especially in countries striving for democratic governance? Does police wrongdoing affect the legitimacy of the overall regime? Focusing on Central America, this article provides empirical evidence showing that corruption and abuse perpetrated by police officers erode public support for the political order. Results indicate that, under some circumstances, police transgressions can have a greater impact on the legitimacy of the political system than crime or insecurity. They also show that police misconduct not only affects democratising regimes, such as El Salvador and Guatemala, but also consolidated democracies, such as Costa Rica.

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